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Last night was “foreign policy night” in the third and final presidential debate between Mitt Romney and Barack Obama
A 15-minute segment was devoted to the subject of “The Rise of China and Tomorrow’s World” by moderator Bob Schieffer. Unfortunately, we got very little insight into the candidates view of China’s role in the world or how they would approach China overall.
Yesterday’s blog hoped that Obama and Romney would touch on issues of democracy, human rights, territorial ambitions and Tibet. Instead, the candidates used this foreign policy topic to steer the conversation back to domestic themes. China became a vehicle to talk about trade, manufacturing, industrial policy, taxes, etc.
The New Yorker’s always insightful Evan Osnos writes that this is troubling:
The absence of a discussion of human rights will not go over well in the American human-rights community or with Tibetan groups. For the moment, however, in Beijing it is being greeted with pleasure. China takes careful note of vocabulary—the Foreign Ministry keeps track of the mentions of specific words—and the erosion of human rights from the candidates’ priorities will be taken as a sign, as foreign-affairs specialist Zhu Feng put it, that economic issues are “something they really care more about now than human rights or security.”
A Beijing-based Chinese economist agreed: “Chinese officials will be satisfied by the debate, as the China topics were trade and currency, and neither candidate mentioned human rights, so it was quite friendly towards China.”
However, there were a couple of interesting moments that provided a window into each man’s thoughts on China.
First, President Obama opened up with the view that “China’s both an adversary but also a potential partner in the international community if it’s following the rules.” The use of “adversary” certainly got noticed in Beijing, and according to Foreignpolicy.com’s Josh Rogin, appeared to contradict his own Administration’s messaging on U.S-China relations. Rogin cites a speech by Secretary of State Clinton in 2009 where she distances the Administration’s approach from those who would label China an “adversary.” Of course, the Administration’s posture has evolved over three years in response to a more globally assertive posture by Beijing. Perhaps Obama’s choice of words reflects that evolution.
It is also interesting that he used the phrase “potential partner,” which implies China is not a partner now. This also is a different tone than that expressed by his Administration, and will also be noticed in Beijing (if not first by his Treasury Secretary).
For his part, Governor Romney tacked away from Obama’s comments, saying, “We don’t have to be an adversary in any way, shape or form. We can work with them. We can collaborate with them if they’re willing to be responsible.” This is similar to Obama’s approach, by putting the onus back on Beijing to choose whether it wants to be a responsible partner. At the same time, experts pointed to this as a softening of Romney’s tone on China. It seems to have been welcomed in Beijing.
Romney also said, “China has an interest that’s very much like ours in one respect, and that is they want a stable world. They don’t want war. They don’t want to see protectionism… So they want the economy to work and the world to be free and open.”
For one, Romney assesses that the Chinese don’t want protectionism even as he has previously accused them of practicing it, when he called China “cheaters” and promised to “crack down” by labeling them as currency manipulators.
For another, Romney’s claim that the Chinese want the world to be “free and open” raises eyebrows, given that China is consistently rated by Freedom House as the “worst of the worst” among the world’s most repressed society. (This notion is cleverly displayed in TIME magazine’s recent cover story on Xi Jinping: The Next Leader of the Unfree World.) But perhaps Romney meant to refer to free and open commercial markets.
Overall, it was revealing that the Middle East dominated the debate. While China got one-sixth of the time, that was more than Europe, Latin American and Africa combined. My reaction to the topical allocation in the debate can be summed up by a Tweet last night by the ever-witty @RelevantOrgans (a Twitter handle that satirizes the Chinese Communist Propaganda Bureau):
But this missed opportunity to have a serious debate on China policy doesn’t mean it’s the last chance for such a debate. Tonight, four third party candidates will participate in a debate in Chicago – Jill Stein of the Green Party, Gary Johnson of the Libertarian Party, Virgil Goode of the Constitution Party and Rocky Anderson of the Justice Party. Let’s see what they have to say on China.
Lastly, I offer a reminder to urge the candidates to respond to ICT’s 2012 Tibet questionnaire, in which they tell voters what their Tibet policy would be. We have heard from one candidate (Obama) but not heard from the others we asked (Romney, Stein, Johnson). Our page gives you tips for how to contact the campaigns via e-mail, Facebook and Twitter.
Even as the Chinese leadership is engrossed with preparations relating to the upcoming 18th Party Congress, the continuing Tibetan self-immolations are posing a particular predicament to them. As I write this on October 23, 2012, there is the latest report of another Tibetan, Dorjee Rinchen, from the Labrang area in Amdo committing self-immolation.
Thus, the Chinese authorities’ hope of the issue fading away — as a result of a combination of threats suppression and increased control — before the Party Congress is not happening. There are indications that the Chinese leadership are now beginning to fear the negative impact of their lack of courage to deal with the developments in Tibet.
Jia Qinglin, chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) and a key figure involved in Tibet, is quoted by the official Chinese media on October 23 as saying, “the country is in a key period of fighting against the Dalai Lama group.”
Similarly, Zhou Yongkang, a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Chinese Communist Party, on October 19, told a “seminar on safeguarding security and stability during the upcoming national congress” that the “risk of major social problems should be evaluated to prevent and reduce conflicts in areas such as Tibet and Xinjiang.”
As an indication of lack of confidence in some of their officials in the Tibetan areas, the Tibet Autonomous Region Party Secretary Chen Quanguo is reported by the People’s Daily as using a conference on October 16 to say “that local military officials should cooperate with police and be on standby around the clock, adding that officials would be dismissed on the spot if their areas of responsibility did not remain stable.”
The Chinese authorities want stability and fear destabilization on account of the situation in Tibet. However, the continued tragic self-immolations by Tibetans is a clear indication of the depth of feelings among the Tibetan people at their current state of affairs. The only lasting solution is for the Chinese authorities to address the genuine grievances of the Tibetan people.
To start with, the Chinese leaders should really look at some of their own statements and apply them positively to their Tibetan policy. China’s Global Times quotes Jia Qinglin as saying that “Tibet-related issues were of paramount importance.” Is suppression the right way to deal with an issue that is really important? Similarly, it quotes Zhou Yongkang as telling the above-mentioned seminar that “people’s reasonable appeals as well as petitions should be better dealt with.” If he really wants to act on this, then why are the Chinese leaders letting so many Tibetan lives be lost without doing anything to redress their grievances. How many more Tibetans have to lose their lives before the Chinese authorities can consider them “reasonable appeals”?
It was a pity that during the final American presidential debate on October 22, 2012 that was devoted to foreign policy, hardly any time was spent on the fundamental American values of democracy and freedom. The United States and other countries have a responsibility to see that the peaceful struggle in Tibet succeed if they are for a more peaceful world. There is reason that people are beginning to ask why the world is not paying adequate attention to the developments in Tibet. Prof. Jeffrey Hopkins of the University of Virginia in fact said it well when he mentioned at a public event with the Dalai Lama on October 11, 2012 in Charlottesville that in Vietnam it took two such deaths and the world was aroused while in Tibet there have been more than 50 self-immolations and the world is not yet aroused.
In an interview with Ann Curry of NBC news (broadcast on October 11, 2012), the Dalai Lama said it was difficult to judge whether the method (used by the self-immolators) is right or wrong, but they are a non-violent expression of feelings regarding Chinese policies. He said that the Tibetans in Tibet are passing through really desperate situation.
Commenting about the nature of the Tibetan struggle and the Chinese attitude, the Dalai Lama told Ann Curry, “The struggle is between the power of truth and power of gun. For short term, power of gun may seem much stronger. But in the long run, power of truth is much stronger.” When asked what is the one thing that he would ask world leaders to support the Tibetans, he responded, “Just one word, freedom.”
We are now approaching the end of the term of President Hu Jintao and it is now clear that he is leaving behind a legacy of suppression of Tibetans, lack of foresight to deal with the issue and disregard of avenues that will really lead to stability of the People’s Republic of China and the establishment of a harmonious society. Hu Jintao has failed on Tibet. We will now have to see how the new leadership that will emerge out of the 18th Party Congress will fare.
Tonight, President Barack Obama and Governor Mitt Romney square off in their third and final debate. The focus is foreign policy.
An entire 15-minute segment in the third and final presidential debate on October 22 is scheduled to be dedicated to “The Rise of China and Tomorrow’s World.” This provides the opportunity to hear from the candidates on how they would approach China, in a broad policy sense, over the next four years.
“While there has been plenty of talk of China in the 2012 campaigns, we remember the trend wherein “China bashing” on the campaign trail (reflecting the mood of the American public’s continued concern with Chinese Government’s attitude) tends to soften once the candidate takes office. Recall Governor Bill Clinton’s accusing George H.W Bush of “coddling dictators” in 1992, yet giving China normalized trade status by 2000.
This year, China has served as a tool rather than a focus of the talk. Each candidate has used China as an instrument to criticize the economic policies of the other. Challenger Romney has called the Chinese “cheaters” and said that he would label China a currency manipulator on “day one,” claiming that he would take tough action where incumbent Obama hasn’t.
The Obama campaign has cited Romney’s time running Bain Capital to claim that he facilitated the outsourcing of American jobs to China, implying that such practice would take place under a Romney Administration.
Unfortunately, none of this back and forth has delved into the wider and deeper aspects of the complex and evolving U.S. relationship with the People’s Republic of China. It would be refreshing and informative to hear the candidates address these questions:
- Can China be a reliable partner on global issues as long as the Chinese Communist Party maintains one-party rule?
- Should the U.S. do more to promote democratic reform?
- Should the U.S. impose consequences for the Chinese government’s failure to respect the human rights of its citizens?
- How should the U.S. respond to China’s territorial ambitions and growing influence to its east, south and west?
- What can the U.S. do to promote a durable solution for Tibet?
On this last point, to get a sense of the candidates’ approach to the Tibet issue, ICT sent their campaigns the 2012 Tibet questionnaire, as ICT has done in every presidential election since 2000. We received a response from the Obama campaign, which is reprinted on our 2012 campaign page. As the incumbent, President Obama’s Administration has a long record of statements on Tibet.
For Mitt Romney, we have no indication of his position on Tibet. Despite several avenues of outreach over 11 months, we have not received a response from his campaign to the Tibet questionnaire.
We also sent the Tibet questionnaire to the campaigns of Libertarian Party candidate Gary Johnson and Green Party candidate Jill Stein. We received acknowledgment from their staff that they had received the questionnaire, but have not yet received a response from either.
It’s not too late to urge the campaigns to respond to the Tibet questionnaire. Our campaign page gives you tips for how to contact the campaigns via e-mail, Facebook and Twitter.
The Chinese Communist Party has finally announced that its 18th Party Congress will be held from November 8, 2012. I would, therefore, like to look at its significance from a Tibetan point of view, but from a different angle.
Of course, the new leadership of China that will come out of the 18th Party Congress will determine the future direction of the country, which will have an impact on the Tibetans. However, I would like to look at another aspect of the issue; the nature of Tibetan presence in the highest echelons of the Chinese Communist Party.
The top three Party institutions (I am leaving aside the Politburo standing committee and the Politburo, for they are but dreams for people like Tibetans in the current scheme of things) for which Party members can aspire for are membership of the Central Committee, alternate member of the Central Committee, and member of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. The Central Committee is supposed to be the highest decision making body in the Party.
Signifying the importance of these institutions, their membership are announced at every Party Congress.
The Party Central Committee would certainly have a role in formulating China’s policy on Tibetans. The series of Tibet Work Forums that Beijing has held on Tibet have all been at the behest of the Communist Party.
It was interesting to see that way back on March 16, 1953, there was an “Inner-party directive drafted for the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party” on “Han Chauvinism” that said the following:
“Judging from the mass of information on hand, the Central Committee holds that wherever there are minority nationalities the general rule is that there are problems calling for solution, and in some cases very serious ones. On the surface all is quiet, but actually there are some very serious problems. What has come to light in various places in the last two or three years shows that Han chauvinism exists almost everywhere. It will be very dangerous if we fail now to give timely education and resolutely overcome Han chauvinism in the Party and among the people. The problem in the relations between nationalities which reveals itself in the Party and among the people in many places is the existence of Han chauvinism to a serious degree and not just a matter of its vestiges. In other words, bourgeois ideas dominate the minds of those comrades and people who have had no Marxist education and have not grasped the nationality policy of the Central Committee. Therefore, education must be assiduously carried out so that this problem can be solved step by step. Moreover, the newspapers should publish more articles based on specific facts to criticize Han chauvinism openly and educate the Party members and the people.”
It looks like that observation has not been followed up with implementation of a solution for even today, one of the factors that have exacerbated the situation in Tibet is the rise of Chinese nationalism. I hope the 18th Party Congress and the subsequent Chinese leadership will look at this issue seriously.
Now I am not sure the extend to which the Tibetan members of the Central Committee are able to put forth their candid views during the deliberations.
In any case, out of the current 204 members in the current 17th Central Committee, two are Tibetans (Lekchog and Jampa Phuntsok); while out of the 167 alternate members, two are Tibetans (Tenkho and Dorjee); and out of the 127 members of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, two are Tibetans (Rinchen Gyal and Guru Tsego).
In the previous 16th Central Committee there were three members as well as three alternate members.
Who will be the new Tibetan faces in the Central Committee and how many will there be? It appears that there may be more than 30 Tibetan delegates to the upcoming Party Congress that will elect the new Central Committee. To give you an idea of the nature of Tibetan presence so far, following are names of Tibetans in the Party Central Committee in the past several years that I have been able to compile.
17th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) October 2007
1. Lekchog (Legqog) from Gyantse
2. Jampa Phuntsok (Qiangba Puncog) from Chamdo
Alternate members of the 17th CPC Central Committee
1. Tenkho (Danko) from Tsolho
2. Dorji (Doje Cezhug) from Gyatsa.
Members of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of the Communist Party of China (CPC) elected at the 17th CPC National Congress
1. Rinchen Gyal (Rinqengyai) from Amdo
2. Guru Tsego (Ou Zegao) from Ngapa
16th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) November 8-14, 2002
1. Lekchog (Legqog) from Gyantse
2. Dorjee Tsering (Doje Cering) from Labrang
3. Ragdi (Raidi) from Nagchu
Alternate members of the 16th CPC Central Committee, 2002
1. Jampa Phuntsok (Qiangba Puncog) from Chamdo
2. Rinchen Gyal (Rinqengyai) from Amdo
3. Guru Tsego (Ou Zegao) from Ngapa
Members of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of the Communist Party of China (CPC) elected at the 16th CPC National Congress, 2002
1. Bhuchung (Bu Qiong) from Chongye
2. Pema (Baima) from Kyegudo
15th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) September 12-18, 1997
1. Ragdi (Raidi) from Nagchu
2. Dorjee Tsering (Doje Cering) from Labrang
Alternate members of the 15th CPC Central Committee, 1997
1. Lekchog (Legqog) from Gyantse
2. Tenzin (Danzim) from Nagchu
3. Guru Tsego (Ou Zegao) from Ngapa
14th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) October 12-18, 1992
1. Ragdi (Raidi) from Nagchu
2. Dorjee Tsering (Doje Cering) from Labrang
Members of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of the Communist Party of China (CPC) elected at the 14th CPC National Congress, 1992
1. Passang (Ba Sang) from Lhoka
Alternate members of the 14th CPC Central Committee, 1992
1. Tenzin (Danzim) from Nagchu
2. Gyaltsen Norbu (Gyalcan Norbu) from Bathang
13th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) October 25 to November 1, 1987
1. Ragdi (Raidi) from Nagchu
2. Dorjee Tsering (Doje Cering) from Labrang
Members of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of the Communist Party of China (CPC) elected at the 13th CPC National Congress, 1987
1. Passang (Ba Sang) from Lhoka
12th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) September 1-11, 1982
1. Ragdi (Raidi) from Nagchu
2. Passang (Ba Sang) from Lhoka
Members of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of the Communist Party of China (CPC) elected at the 12th CPC National Congress, 1982
1. Dorjee Tsering (Doje Cering) from Labrang
11th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) August 12-18, 1977
1. Passang (Ba Sang) from Lhoka
2. Sangye Yeshi (Tian Bao) from Kham
Alternate members of the 11th CPC Central Committee, 1977
1. Ragdi (Raidi) from Nagchu
10th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) August-24-28, 1973
1. Passang (Ba Sang) from Lhoka
2. Sangye Yeshi (Tian Bao) from Kham
9th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) April 1-24, 1969
1. Sangye Yeshi (Tian Bao) from Kham
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