Bhuchung K. Tsering

How Thomas Pauken and other foreigners become tools in China’s disinformation campaign on Tibet

On June 4, 2026, a China-based American journalist, Thomas Pauken II, pleaded guilty in a Virginia court to charges of acting as an illegal agent of the Chinese government. He had been detained during his most recent return to the United States in February 2026 and was accused of trying to recruit people to pass information to Chinese intelligence services. The FBI, which was monitoring him, said over the course of seven years, the Chinese government paid Pauken a total of $100,000 as well as bearing expenses for his frequent travels from China to the United States for his service. If convicted, he faces up to ten years in prison.

Pauken is not an isolated case of Americans being deployed by Chinese intelligence to do their dirty work in the United States. There have been others who have been involved in industrial and political espionage for China. Nevertheless, as insidious as his action was, my attention to him was drawn by another fact — his cover in China was working for Chinese state media outlets like Xinhua, China Radio International, China Central Television and China Global Television Network (CGTN).

Seeking recourse to a pseudonym “Tom McGregor” (on the suggestion of his father Thomas Pauken, a politician from Texas), he has written many articles in English for Chinese state media outlets. While it’s not unusual for journalists to find work in different media outlets in countries other than their own, the difference with “McGregor”/Pauken was that rather than serving as an impartial journalist, he let himself be a tool in the Chinese government’s campaign to reshape its global image.

Thomas Pauken with Shamin Zakaria

Thomas Pauken with Shamin Zakaria a journalist from India who also works for Chinese state media.

In particular, McGregor has written several articles on Tibet trying to alter the global narrative on major issues of interest. His writings are thus part of China’s strategy of utilizing foreigners, including journalists and influencers, as part of its disinformation machinery.

In the case of Tibet, one of China’s main efforts is to undermine the credibility of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and to project a positive image of Chinese rule in Tibet. Pauken was tasked with an article for the official China Daily on May 23, 2011, where he wrote as McGregor under the headline, “Truth nails the Dalai Lama myth.” He mused, “Many Westerners believe that the Dalai Lama is an angelic hero for Tibetans. They perceive the central government’s role in the Tibet autonomous region as diabolical ever since Tibetans were liberated 60 years ago on May 23, 1951. These Western perceptions seem inspired more by myths than truth.”

Another Chinese propaganda campaign is to discredit Tibet before China’s occupation as something horrible and barbaric and to present Tibet under Chinese rule as free and prosperous. McGregor was also used for this objective, writing several articles in China Daily in March 2011 under the headline “Chronicle of a region needs to be retold.” One article on March 28, 2011 begins, “When you meet Westerners who have never visited Asia or are unfamiliar with China and ask them about Tibet, many say it is a place of horrors where the Chinese government ruthlessly cracks down on Tibetans. Such Westerners assume Tibetans do not have any freedom to practice their religion, they are forced to live in poverty and the Chinese government has created a ‘concentration camp’ atmosphere under the control of the People’s Liberation Army.”

Similarly, in an article for the official Chinese propaganda outlet CCTV on September 14, 2018, McGregor includes Tibet in “Western China” and writes, “Western China has just entered a more prosperous stage and many people in the region are likely to share the spotlight and enjoy the limelight of having better jobs and higher incomes for many more years to come.”

The Chinese government has a history of using foreigners to spread its false narrative. In the 1970s and 1980s, Israel Epstein from Poland and Americans such as Felix Greene, Anna Louise Strong and Edgar Snow were actively wooed by Beijing and became their mouthpiece to the outside world.

In 1993 in a two-day “Conference on the Work of the External Propaganda on the Question of Tibet” held in Beijing, Chinese officials outlined the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s coordinated efforts to counter international pressure by controlling narratives, sanitizing regional conditions, and manipulating media coverage. Leaked proceedings of the meeting showed the Chinese saying, “By arranging foreign journalists and other people to go to visit Tibet we should be able to use foreign forces to carry our external propaganda and gradually change their mind about us through what they have seen with their own eyes.”

In recent years, the Chinese authorities aggressively recruited foreigners to be part of its state media team so that, both linguistically and psychologically, the Chinese propaganda would be better shaped for the international community. A partial list of such individuals include Australian Edwin Maher, said to be the first non-Chinese news anchor for CCTV; Andy Boreham, New Zealander working for Shanghai Daily; American Jonathan Aaron Alpart, who worked for China Radio International commenting on his work there saying, “It was all soft propaganda about tourism, how cool China is”; and Indian Shamim Zakaria who presents himself as Associate Editor at Xinhua. No matter what position such individuals are hired for, many of them end up either personally writing their “impressions” about China or being “interviewed” by Chinese state media about their perceptions.

With the advent of social media, Chinese authorities have been promoting their narrative on Tibet through foreign influencers. Select group of Youtubers from abroad are provided access to Tibet and they end up presenting a sanitized version of the conditions of the Tibetan people. Some of them do admit the restrictions imposed on them and the issues that could be considered normal in China proper but are not allowed to be taken up in Tibet.

The broad nature of Chinese strategy on this issue can be seen from the remarks made by Li Ganjie, head of the CCP’s United Front Work Department. Speaking to researchers who had gathered to mark the 40th anniversary of the China Tibetology Research Centre on June 4, 2026, Li said, “Chinese academics specializing in Tibet must find more creative ways to shape the global conversation about the region while remaining strictly aligned with the Communist Party’s ideology.”

More interestingly some China-based foreigners, who have businesses there but use social media as a side business, are also roped in to spread the CCP gospel. One such individuals is Daniel Dumbrill, a Canadian who has quite a few businesses, including brewery in China and is also an active YouTuber.

Dumbrill is one of the foreign social media influencers who are being used by the CCP, according to a report, “Borrowing mouths to speak on Xinjiang” in 2021 by the Australian think tank Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI), for its “global propaganda push” to whitewash human rights abuses. The report says, “All of these influencers [many others have been named in addition to Dumbrill] have been directly referenced by MOFA [Ministry of Foreign Affairs] officials on social media or in party-state media articles, and both Daniel Dumbrill and Barrie Jones have had their videos shown at MOFA press conferences.”

Even on Tibet, Dumbrill has been actively promoting viewpoints that align with the official party line as promoted on his twitter feed, including the following despite knowing how China makes it virtually impossible to travel to Tibet.

Dumbrill has frequently partnered with Chinese state media like CGTN to create video content providing a one-sided image of Tibet. Even though he presents himself as an independent observer, he lets himself be part of Chinese state media propaganda trip to Tibet. During one such trip, he was promoting official lines about the state of Tibetan Buddhism in real time on Twitter and I took the opportunity to challenge him on a few assertions, including on him being part of the CCTV-sponsored trip. In all likelihood, Dumbrill’s action could be a way for him to secure the safety of his business in China. One online commentator on Dumbrill called him “a more sophisticated propagandist—he knows how to make propaganda look reasonable. He knows what things he needs to avoid doing in order to maintain credibility.”

Understanding this Chinese disinformation campaign on Tibet, the United States Congress has come out with legislations and policy statements. The Promoting a Resolution to the Tibet-China Dispute Act, passed by Congress in 2024, mandates that US public diplomacy efforts should “counter disinformation about Tibet” from the Chinese government and Communist Party, including “disinformation about the history of Tibet, the Tibetan people, and Tibetan institutions including that of the Dalai Lama.”

The annual Tibet Lobby Day, which was held from June 8 to 9, 2026 saw more than 225 Tibetan Americans and supporters visit their congressional offices in Washington, D.C. and elsewhere calling for strengthening of American support on Tibet. They called for increased America engagement with the legitimate Tibetan leadership — the Central Tibetan Administration in Dharamsala — through passing the Assuring the Future of Tibet Act of 2026. They also urged for the passage of the Tibet Atrocities Determination Act that would require the Secretary of State to investigate China’s repressive actions in Tibet and publicly report on whether those atrocities meet the criteria for genocide or crimes against humanity.

Such legislations aim at directly challenging Chinese Government’s efforts to undermine the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan leadership in exile, including through foreigners like Thomas Pauken who virtually end up being the mouthpiece of China.

The Dalai Lama and the Epstein Files: Much Ado About Nothing

The January 30 release of the latest tranche of materials related to Jeffrey Epstein, a convicted sex offender who died in 2019, is being used by vested interest to attempt to smear His Holiness the Dalai Lama by claiming some kind of relationship between the two. On February 8, Gaden Phodrang, the Office of H.H. the Dalai Lama, issued a clear and unequivocal statement debunking these false allegations. “We can unequivocally confirm that His Holiness has never met Jeffrey Epstein or authorised any meeting or interaction with him by anyone on His Holiness’s behalf,” the statement made clear.

A press release issued by the Office of His Holiness the Dalai Lama.

To be clear, the Epstein files mention the Dalai Lama (or the incorrect spelling “Dali Lama”) in the context of unrelated individuals flaunting to Epstein their connections with His Holiness in order to curry favor with the convicted felon, or as part of news items included in regular compilations that Epstein appears to have been receiving. Epstein appears to have been manipulating those who claimed to have a relationship with the Dalai Lama by suggesting organizing meetings or events. Similar attempts mention celebrities including Woody Allen and Noam Chomsky. Nothing in recent releases suggest that the Dalai Lama met Epstein or knew of any of his activities.

Smear campaign engineered by Russian state media

It’s likely that Russian officials knew at the time of the document release that the files tie President Putin to Epstein, including reports of Epstein being a Russian spy (this report says the files mention Russia 5,876 times and Russian President Vladimir Putin 1,055 times). It is my conjecture that, anticipating the claims about Putin, Russian state media launched a smear campaign against the Dalai Lama as a diversionary tactic. On February 1, the Russian state media outlet RT twisted a benign reference to the Dalai Lama in one released email into an allegation of links between His Holiness and Epstein.

The email copy that RT posted clearly shows it was someone else who was writing to Epstein claiming that that individual “was going now to the event w dalai lama”. The email appears to have been sent on October 21, 2012 and infers that the sender planned to attend a public teaching that the Dalai Lama was giving at Lincoln Center in New York City. The “connection” boils down to an associate of Epstein’s planning to attend a public event led by the Dalai Lama.

Mainstream media amplify the false narrative

Subsequently, several mainstream media outlets including Financial Express of India repeated the false narrative of a meeting without doing any researching or authentication. For example, the Financial Express report by Disha Jana, who is listed as “a journalist with over six years of experience covering global affairs, US news and geopolitics” merely repeated the inaccurate count of Dalai Lama mentions in the document release, copied reports in another outlet about older allegations that are false and then suggested that there was meeting between His Holiness and Epstein. There was no attempt to investigate or even to contact the Dalai Lama’s office to seek clarification, as a responsible journalist would be expected to do.

Chinese disinformation campaign seizes the opportunity

I don’t have evidence to substantiate that RT is linked with the CCP; however, it is reasonable to assume that given the “no limits partnership” between Putin and Xi there has been increased coordination in their respective disinformation campaigns among Russian and Chinese state-run media and their proxies. In this instance, RT’s posting on the Dalai Lama and subsequent sensationalizing by some media was seized as an opportunity by the CCP to spread its own disinformation on His Holiness and Tibet. Chinese state media and other pro-China propagandists amplified the RT posting as well as that of the Financial Express of India because doing so served China’s objective of undermining the institution of the Dalai Lama.



Capitalizing on opportunities to smear the reputation of the Dalai Lama is a long-standing Chinese state media strategy. China cannot accept that one simple Buddhist monk is able to challenge the power of the CCP. The CCP’s reaction to the Dalai Lama’s Grammy win is just the latest example of China’s insecure and cowardly response to the growing power of His Holiness’ global message of peace.

Other media actors with a bias against the United States or against the CIA in particular, joined the misinformation effort to try and score political points.

Russia Today’s irony

RT had no qualms about spreading disinformation about the Dalai Lama to divert focus from the mention of Russia and Putin in the Epstein Files, but the effort did not succeed.

One of RT’s own articles targeting those who were drawing attention to Putin and Epstein applies accurately to RT itself. In an article on February 5, 2026 entitled, “Was Jeffrey Epstein really a Russian spy squid?” RT maintained that the allegations about Russia “are so ludicrous that their substance does not merit discussion. Because there is no substance: What we are really seeing is a squalid spectacle of propagandists clutching not at straws but pure nothing, recycling each other’s unfounded and evidence-free claims and resorting to sad, silly tricks so transparent they make you oscillate between laughing, weeping, and a pure unadulterated feeling of cringe.”

After much media scrutiny, the Russian Government eventually had to make a public statement.

Mere mention means nothing

His Holiness the Dalai Lama is a high-profile international figure, so it’s not surprising that his name emerged among those who consider themselves international personalities. But these mentions are merely namedropping. Context is vitally important. In addition to Putin, the Epstein Files has 443 references to the Popes in general, 138 to Chinese President Xi Jinping, 96 to Martin Luther King Jr., 15 to Mahatma Gandhi, and 59 to Jesus Christ. Therefore, it would be ludicrous to conclude that a mere mention of someone’s name in the files indicates any relationship or association with Epstein.

ICT remembers T. Kumar, a human rights champion who lived a meaningful life helping Tibetans and others

The news about the passing of Thambithurai Muthukumarasamy (commonly known as T. Kumar) on January 26, 2026, brought back memories of the many years we at the International Campaign for Tibet (ICT) were privileged to work with him when he was at Amnesty International. Kumar was a familiar face in the human rights community in Washington, DC, aggressively advocating for communities in every corner of the globe that were suffering under authoritarian rules throughout the world.

ICT President Tencho Gyatso and I attended his memorial service on February 1, 2026, where I delivered remarks on our behalf.

Tibet rally in Washington, DC

T. Kumar (center, under the pole hoisting Tibetan flag) at a Tibet rally in Washington, DC in 2012. Immediately to his left is Mr. Lodi Gyari, then Special Envoy of H.H. the Dalai Lama.

Given Kumar’s steadfast championing of Tibetan rights, and being a Tibetan, I expressed on our people’s behalf our heartfelt condolences to Kumar’s family. Tibetans gained much from Kumar’s work in Washington, DC, including learning the value of wisdom, empathy compassion.

Kumar was always available to the Tibetan people, whether it was a rally, a meeting or any other opening to add the value of Amnesty International to the struggle for Tibetan freedom. Personally, I enjoyed a cordial relationship with Kumar and appreciated his wise counsel. Oftentimes, I would get phone calls from him, “Bhuchung, Kumar here,” followed by a suggestion of opportunity to advance the cause with the administration or with the Hill.

Kumar was particularly interested in the issue of the 11th Panchen Lama, perhaps the second most widely known Tibetan Buddhist leader after His Holiness the Dalai Lama. The 10th Panchen Lama passed away in 1989 and his reincarnation (recognized by the Dalai Lama) was detained by Chinese Government in 1995, coincidentally in the same year when Kumar joined Amnesty. The 11th Panchen Lama remains in detention and incommunicado to this day and is often called the world’s youngest political prison. Kumar did everything possible to make the U.S. Administration and Congress use their leverage with Beijing to secure his release. If there is anything the Administration has done for the Panchen Lama, Kumar had a mark in that, that is something I am very much sure of.

T. Kumar with Ngawang Sangdrol

T. Kumar attending a reception in 2003 for the newly released Tibetan political prisoner Ngawang Sangdrol.

Kumar didn’t merely use Amnesty International’s platform; he went beyond the call of his duty, including the call of his organizational duty. The reason why I say this is because the Tibetan issue has human rights elements but it is more than human rights. Amnesty International’s mandate allows it to be involved in issues only within a human rights framework. Given that Tibetan human rights is very much linked to the broader political issue of Tibet’s relationship with China, whenever we had any events on Tibet that had political overtones, Kumar would find a creative solution to allow him to particpate.

I am a Buddhist and I believe in the law of karma. Kumar joined Amnesty International in 1995. I joined the International Campaign for Tibet in 1995. We participated together in many hearings, many briefings, even media interactions. I remember in 2008 when there were large-scale demonstrations by Tibetans in Tibet. Chinese security forces cracked down heavily, and the Diane Rehm Show did a special hour-long discussion on the development. Kumar and I (as well as Steve Marshall who was with CECC at the time) were invited to join the program at American University’s radio studio. So if the law of karma holds true and if Kumar’s religious belief also includes belief in rebirth, I have no doubt that it will take him to a better place.

We Buddhists, whenever we have prayers for someone who has passed away, recite a prayer to our Bodhisattva of Compassion. It is apt to repeat that prayer here for a compassionate person like Kumar. It is short and goes, Om Mani Padme Hum, Hail to the Jewel in the Lotus.

I want to end with a quote from His Holiness the Dalai Lama. In explaining his view of having lived a meaningful life, he said, “Meaningful life means, if possible, helping others. If not, at least restrain from harming others.” T. Kumar’s life personified the living of a meaningful life.

Bhuchung Tsering

Mr. Bhuchung Tsering speaking at the memorial service for T. Kumar on February 1, 2026.

Celebrating the Dalai Lama’s 90th birthday focusing on his impact on the people

As the observed July 6 birthday of H.H. the Dalai Lama nears, his well-wishers throughout the world have already begun their own respective ways to organize events or launch initiatives to recall his impact on the community.

I wanted to dwell on three such initiatives today. June 6, 2025 saw the special screening of the iconic 1997 film “Kundun” at the Tribeca Film Festival in New York City, in partnership with the International Campaign for Tibet (ICT). What made the screening special was that Director Martin Scorsese was personally there to introduce the film and to put it in context. Scorsese mentioned the film’s strong spiritual impact on him and highlighted the message of oneness of humanity of the film, even in its production, saying that it is a story of a Buddhist, being made in an Islamic country (it was shot in Morocco), by a director who is “an Italian-American Roman Catholic from New York.” He mentioned how his film on “Supreme Holiness” as he reverently referred to the Dalai Lama was an effort “to embody His Holiness’ spiritual evolution”.

Scorsese’s remarks showed that his interest in Tibet was not just limited to the period of the production of Kundun (“I was always intrigued by Tibetan Buddhism”) and continues to be interested even after nearly three decades since its release. He mentioned being impressed by Tibetan cinema, by film makers like Pema Tseden (he mentioned ‘Old Dog’), Dzongsar Khyentse Rinpoche and Neten Chokling and wondered why “American distributors and streamers” were not considering a “Tibetan Film Festival” to showcase these talents. He seemed to indicate his interest in such a project saying, “So, let us get it going.” The presence of several cast members at the screening provided a humane touch to the audience in their appreciation of the film.

Jane Rosenthal of Tribeca Festival said the film showed “quiet strength to hold on to an identity in the face of erasure.” She said, “Kundun shows us that empathy begins with understanding and that there is no peace without compassion.” The screening was part of the Compassion Rising global campaign initiated by ICT on the 90th birthday year of H.H. the Dalai Lama.

The educational materials on Tibet and the Dalai Lama, including a specially-updated edition of his “A Human Approach to World Peace” (Wisdom Publications), that ICT distributed to the attendees of the screening provided context to the basis of his impact. That the message of the Dalai Lama continues to resonate with the American public could be gauged from fact that an overwhelming majority of the ticketed audience members for the screening were non-Tibetans. I am saying this because for a Tibetan to be attending the screening would just be a part of the natural expectation from a devotee.

Audience members waiting to enter the theatre for Kundun screening in New York.

Dalai Lama’s impact on the younger generation

The second initiative was an event in Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies campus in Washington, D.C. on June 1, 2025. Organized by the Weekend Tibetan School of the Capital Area Tibetan Association in partnership with JHU, it was a focus on the Dalai Lama’s message of Love and Compassion. The half day event consisted of combination of presentations by young Tibetan American students on how the message of compassion was understood by them and how these impacted their individual lives. I was particularly impressed by the debate session on Love and Compassion among six students. Maybe it is due to my own lack of understanding of today’s youngsters, but I was very encouraged by the quality of responses (and the confidence with which they did so) by the students to the questions by the judges during the debate section. It does seem that the programs on Social Ethical and Emotional (SEE) Learning that they attended as part of their weekend school benefited their knowledge. Some of them mentioned how the knowledge enabled them to cope with the death of their pets or in dealing with an unpleasant fellow student. Even though some of the questions posed to them focused on the Tibetan community, interestingly the students’ responses were more about HH’s impact on the broader human community.

The six students who participated in the debate in Washington, DC on what compassion means to them.

The adults who spoke at the event, both Tibetans and non-Tibetans, also put their own perspective on how HH’s message of compassion impacted them. A nine-stanza ode in Tibetan specially composed for the event by the Gyalwang Karmapa highlighting the Dalai Lama’s contribution was read.

Karmapa ode to the Dalai Lama

Karmapa ode to the Dalai Lama displayed on the monitor at the venue.

Then there was a discussion on compassion by Tibetan Buddhist lamas and practitioner. This was followed by a medley of cultural dances performed with great gusto by the students, from young to comparatively older ones. It was a clear summation of the impact of the Dalai Lama’s message of compassion on the younger generation.

How the Dalai Lama shared his thoughts to the wider world

Dalai LamaThe third initiative was in the form of a book, Our Wish-fulling Gem Part 2: A Biography of His Holiness the Dalai Lama” (Library of Tibetan Works & Archives, Dharamsala, 2025), by educationist Chophel compiling the details on visits by His Holiness the Dalai Lama throughout the world outside of India from 2011 till 2018. Additionally, this second volume also has details on His Holiness’ visits within India from 2011 onwards. As in the first volume, in this book, too, the author provides an overview of His Holiness’ meetings and remarks at events big and small in different countries which are “a testament to the enduring influence of one of the world’s most revered spiritual figures.” His first volume, titled “Our Wish-Fulling Gem: A Biography of His Holiness the Dalai Lama” was published in 2022 and covered the first 75 years of His Holiness’ life. The author and I know each other, and I had the opportunity to read a drafts of both books.

In the preface, the author explains His Holiness’ impact saying, “He taught the world how to laugh in the midst of chaos. He revealed that the purpose of our life is to be happy. He has taught the world the art of happiness and left a lasting imprint on the world.”

His Holiness’ message on the importance of compassion permeates through the book. The author talks about the Southern Methodist University in Dallas in Texas bestowing an honorary doctorate from the university for ‘his lifelong leadership in promoting peace, compassion and inter-religious understanding.’ In fact, there are 178 mentions of the term “compassion” in it.

Although His Holiness has relinquished his political role (see more in the next paragraph), his relevance to the world and more so to the Tibetan people continues. This book is not, and does not claim to be, a scholarly appraisal of His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s travels. Rather, it is a wholesome compilation of all his visits from 2011 to 2018 that provides the readers with an understanding of the Dalai Lama’s impact on the several thousands of people throughout the world who attended his talks or who had the opportunity to interact with him.

An interesting impact of the Dalai Lama is an outcome of something from which he intentionally withdrew himself, namely his political authority that he devolved to an elected Tibetan leadership in 2011, as mentioned above. Following his announcement in March that year, I participated in a Congressional Executive Commission on China Roundtable on “The Dalai Lama: What He Means For Tibetans Today” on July 13, 2011 in Washington, DC. In my presentation, I explained one of the implications of this devolvement of political authority saying, “It bursts the myth about the return of the “Old Society”: One of the scare tactics that the Chinese authorities continue to use among Tibetans in Tibet to maintain control is to project the period during independent Tibet (referred to as the “old society” as opposed to life under China, which is the “new society”) as horrendous, and to say that the Dalai Lama’s aim is to restore the “old society.” The Dalai Lama’s decision including the removal of the name of the government of Ganden Phodrang (that ruled Tibet) from the present Administration in exile takes away the opportunity for the Chinese to continue resorting to this myth.”

In any case, in this 90th birthday year of His Holiness the Dalai Lama (being observed by the Central Tibetan Administration as “Year of Compassion”) we will be seeing many more of such events in different parts of the world. Indeed, a period for rejoicing, recommitment and reflection for all of us who are well-wishers or devotees of the Dalai Lama.

The intricacies of the reincarnation system in Tibetan Buddhism and their transnational ramifications

The first week of May 2025 saw an important spiritual process, namely the selection of the new Pope. Leo XIV, by the eligible members of the College of Cardinals. Despite the political interest many countries have in the papacy, the spiritual process was followed according to the Roman Catholic tradition, without governmental interference, particularly from the Italian Government even though he also holds the title of Bishop of Rome.

Pope Francis looking at a book by the Dalai Lama presented to him by Kundeling Tatsak Rinpoche

Pope Francis looking at a book by the Dalai Lama presented to him by Kundeling Tatsak Rinpoche during an All-Religion Conference held in Vatican City from November 29 to 30, 2024. (Photo: www.tibet.net)

Similarly, May is also significant in the modern history of Tibetan Buddhism, particularly in its system of reincarnation. May 14, 2025, marks the anniversary of His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s recognition in 1995 of a six-year-old Tibetan in Tibet as the 11th Panchen Lama Gedhun Choekyi Nyima. However, three days later, the Chinese authorities detained the young boy and he has not been seen in public since. Later that year, despite the absurdity of it, the atheist Chinese Communist Party thrust itself into a spiritual process and selected another Tibetan boy, Gyaltsen Norbu, as its Panchen Lama. Not only this, having occupied Tibet, the Chinese Communist authorities also display their imperialistic attitude towards reincarnation system of Tibetan Buddhism by claiming international authority.

Therefore, I want to talk about two recent developments relating to reincarnation of Tibetan Buddhist masters that provide an indication of its complexity, transnational ramification and the expanding category of stakeholders in the institution.

On April 7, 2025, the Foundation for the Preservation of Mahayana Tradition (FPMT), a post-1959 worldwide organization for the study of Tibetan Buddhism started by Lama Thupten Yeshi and Lama Thupten Zopa, gave an update to their members on the reincarnation of Lama Zopa who had died in April 2023.

Lama Zopa and Lama Yeshi

Lama Zopa (left) and Lama Yeshi. (Photo: www.fpmt.org)

In fact, Lama Yeshi had passed away way back in 1984. Although, Lama Yeshe had no history of being recognized as a reincarnation, his disciples had the ardent desire to benefit from his continued reincarnation and so it was Lama Zopa who did his preliminary investigations and then supplicated to His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Among the list of names of children that had been compiled was that of a Spanish boy, son of parents who were students of FPMT. Thus, in 1986, after spiritual divination, His Holiness recognized the Spanish boy as the reincarnation of Lama Yeshi (becoming among the first of reincarnation of Tibetan masters born to non-Tibetan western families). Named Lama Osel, he has subsequently given up his monkhood and is known as Tenzin Ösel Hita and being referred to as “a 21st-century radical freethinker, humanitarian, documentary filmmaker, musician, father, friend, life-long student, and former Buddhist monk.”

Lama Osel and Tenzin Ösel Hita

Then and now: Lama Osel and Tenzin Ösel Hita (Source: www.fpmt.org)

In any case, a reincarnation system began due to the followers displaying its benefit, and the reincarnation took place in a western child.

Now with the April 7 announcement by FPMT about the reincarnation of Lama Zopa has become another first. It was primarily to convey the good news of a response from His Holiness the Dalai Lama to their supplication for determining the status of Lama’s reincarnation. His Holiness, following his divination, had told them, “The reincarnation of Zopa Rinpoche shows to exist and that too appears to show inside Nepal, gradually look for and do the investigation.”

FPMT officials

FPMT officials: Members of the search committee are Khenrinpoche Geshe Chonyi (sitting, center), Ven. Roger Kunsang (sitting, right), Ven. Thubten Pemba (standing first row, second left), Ani Tenzin Jangsem (standing first row, third right), Ven. Tenpa Choden (standing first row, third right), and Dale Davis (standing first row, fourth right) (Source: www.fpmt.org)

Along with this, they also had equally interesting information in that announcement: “The FPMT Inc. Board of Directors has appointed a search team: Khenrinpoche Geshe Chonyi, Ven. Roger Kunsang, Ven. Thubten Pemba, Ani Tenzin Jangsem, Ven. Tenpa Choden, and Dale Davis.” You would note that out of the six members, two (Ven. Roger Kunsang and Ms. Dale Davis) are Westerners who had become disciples of Lama Zopa several decades back and there are two women (Ani Tenzin Jangsem and Ms. Davis). This would certainly be the first time where Western Dharma students as well as female disciples are being formally involved in the search for the reincarnation of a Tibetan Buddhist master. Here, too, the FPMT is only exercising its authority on spiritual matters pertaining to their teacher. I am looking forward to seeing how this process unfolds.

In the post-1959 period, Tibetan Buddhism has seen followers beyond the traditional Himalayan and Mongolian communities. This meant that the stakeholders, including on matters like the reincarnation system, has also been expanding. Fundamentally, a lama can choose to be reborn anywhere to fulfill the aspiration of the disciples and so can do so. For instance, the birth of the 14th Dalai Lama in a faraway northeastern Tibetan region of Taktser in Amdo could be perceived as an intentional choice, including in spatial terms. We can see that he successfully overcame political and other impediments in the process of recognition and upbringing.

In the past four decades, quite a few senior lamas from different Tibetan Buddhist lineages have passed away. Some of them have chosen to be reborn in the Tibetan community, whether in exile or in Tibet. Some others have chosen to be reborn in the broader Himalayan community and including in western societies.

Another dimension of the transnational ramification of the reincarnation process was seen in 2022 when the reincarnation of an important Nyingma lama, Taklung Tsetrul Rinpoche, was found in a remote Indian village of Rangrik in Spiti, Himachal Pradesh. Rinpoche had been the head of the Nyingma tradition until his passing away in 2015. The people of Spiti are predominantly followers of Tibetan Buddhism and their region borders Tibet. Indian media reported in November 2022 that four-year-old Ngawang Tashi Rapten was recognized as the reincarnation of Taklung Tsetrul Rinpoche.

Taklung Tsetrul Rinpoche

The present and previous incarnation of Taklung Tsetrul Rinpoche.

Given the background of the Taklung Tsetrul lineage, the new incarnation, an Indian citizen from an ethnic community near the Tibetan border, will be the leader of a major Tibetan Buddhist tradition. His Holiness the Dalai Lama composed a prayer in December 2015 for the swift rebirth of Taklung Tsetrul Rinpoche and also received the reincarnation for an audience in December 2022 thus providing any legitimacy needed for the spiritual community to accept him.

Dalai Lama

His Holiness received the reincarnation of Taklung Tsetrul Rinpoche in December 2022.

The reincarnation is now receiving his education at the re-established Dorje Drak monastery in Shimla, Himachal Pradesh.

Even when the system is not through reincarnation, we can see developments. In the Sakya tradition, in 2014, the then head of the tradition, Sakya Gongma Rinpoche from Dolma Phodrang lineage, decided with his spiritual colleague Sakya Dagtri Rinpoche from the Phuntsok Phodrang lineage to alter the system of throne-holder succession. In the changed system, members of both the Dolma Phodrang and Phuntsok Phodrang lineages serve as Sakya Trizin for a three-year term, according to their seniority and qualifications, and with the possibility that an office-holder may take office more than once in his lifetime. Since then, the position has passed through two sons of the Sakya Gongma Rinpoche. In all likelihood, the next Sakya Trizin could be a US-born lama from the Phuntsok Phodrang lineage.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama with Sakya Gongma Rinpoche

His Holiness the Dalai Lama with Sakya Gongma Rinpoche, his two successors and some possible future heads of the Sakya tradition, in Dharamsala, May 2022.

In the case of the Geluk lineage, a prominent lama from Ladakh, Rizong Rinpoche, rose up in the hierarchy of his monastic system to be appointed the 102nd Ganden Tripa, serving from 2009 to 2016. The Ganden Tripa is the senior most position in the Geluk school of Tibetan Buddhism and oversees all the monasteries of the lineage. The position is attained through a selection process based on scholarly excellence and spiritual integrity.

When spiritual tradition continues or evolves based on the determination of the spiritual community itself then we can see it emerging stronger. This is a lesson for all stakeholders of Tibetan Buddhism.

In Voice for the Voiceless, the Dalai Lama outlines his master plan for Tibet

“On March 31, 1959, my party entered India. I have not been able to go back to my homeland since,” His Holiness the Dalai Lama writes somewhat poignantly about his dramatic escape from Tibet in his latest book, Voice for the Voiceless: Over Seven Decades of Struggle with China for My Land and My People (Harper Collins, 2025). Being published in the 66th anniversary of his escape and on his 90th birthday year. Through this book, His Holiness succinctly outlines his master plan for Tibet. Allow me to expand.

Master plans of the Dalai Lamas

First, the background. In the 1980s, during an interview with Tibetan Buddhist scholar Glenn Mullin (who later incorporated it in few of his books) the present 14th Dalai Lama shared his view about the previous Dalai Lamas having “master plans” in administrating their affairs. He surmised there was such plan that spread from the First to the Fifth Dalai Lamas, another that the Sixth Dalai Lama embraced, and one by the 13th Dalai Lama. His Holiness said the First to the Fourth Dalai Lamas expanded the sphere of their influence from southwestern Tibet to broader Tibet to make it possible for the Fifth Dalai Lama to assume overall leadership in Tibet. The Sixth Dalai Lama’s master plan was to alter the system of succession of the Dalai Lama, from reincarnation to blood lineage. Apparently, he wanted this change to do away with the power vacuum in the transition period between one incarnation and the next.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama looking at thangkas depicting the lives of the Dalai Lamas during his visit to Norbulingka Institute, India on March 9, 2017. Photo by Tenzin Choejor/OHHDL

The master plan of the 13th Dalai Lama was to make Tibet a modern state, a harmonious blend of temporal and the spiritual. He organized a monastic education system and bestowed ordinations to a large number of monks. He wanted significant administrative reforms, including social and political reforms like bringing modern education in Tibet. He was prophesied to live until his 80s (which would be in mid 1950s), but it is believed that he foresaw the dangers ahead from the imminent Chinese Communist invasion and the need for a Dalai Lama to be of age to meet the challenge. Therefore, it is believed that he chose to pass away in his fifties.

Having expanded on his predecessors thus, the present Dalai Lama told Mullin, “Perhaps I will have to come up with some fourth master plan.” Although His Holiness does not say so, my contention is that Voice for the Voiceless reflects his master plan for Tibet?

His Holiness begins by giving an overview of the historical developments of Tibet’s ties with China and India, two countries that significantly impact the Tibetan people even to this day. This includes Chinese Communist invasion of Tibet, his efforts from Lhasa, as well as during his visits to China and India in the mid-1950s, to find peaceful co-existence and subsequent escape to exile in India in 1959. These are laid out in more detail in his two memoirs, My Land & My People and Freedom in Exile.

Then, His Holiness outlined the challenge, recalling his public statement in 1960, saying, “On that first anniversary [of the Tibetan National Uprising of March 10, 1959], I stressed the need on our part to adopt a long-term view of the situation of Tibet. I said that for those of us in exile in a free country, our priority must be ensuring the survival of our civilization, especially through the protection of our distinct language and cultural traditions. I assured my people that truth, justice, and courage would be our weapons and that we would eventually prevail in our struggle for freedom.” He even went so far as to say, “Ours is an existential crisis: the very survival of an ancient people, their culture, language and religion is at stake.”

Having outlined the challenge, His Holiness’ plan for addressing the issue of restoration of Tibetan independence was two-pronged: “to remind the world of what happened and what was still happening in Tibet and to care for the Tibetans who escaped with me to freedom.” The book details his outreach to the international community, particularly the United Nations. There is a whole chapter on outreach to Tibet supporters with a Buddhism-inspired headline, “Reaching Out to Our Fourth Refuge”.

Beginning in the seventies, His Holiness turned his attention to direct dialogue with the Chinese Government to address this challenge. In this, as outlined in the chapter “Overtures Toward a Dialogue” His Holiness felt we needed to consider not only the Tibetan aspirations but also “to take into account seriously the perspective of the Chinese side.” Thus, “The seed was sown for what later came to be known as the Middle Way Approach—seeking not independence but genuine autonomy within the framework of the People’s Republic of China.”

His Holiness outlines the initiatives from the late 1970s, including his Five Point Peace Plan in 1987, the Strasbourg Proposal in 1988, “up until 2019, I did maintain informal and at the time confidential contacts with Beijing leadership through individual Chinese.” I myself was privileged to be part of this process, including being a member of the team that engaged with the Chinese authorities from 2002 to 2010.

H.H. the Dalai Lama outlining his proposal for future Tibet at the European Parliament in Strasbourg in June 1988

Next Dalai Lama will be born in the free world

As is the nature of the Tibetan system, His Holiness’ master plan also crossover into the spiritual realm.

One section of the book that has garnered international attention is the reference to the next Dalai Lama. The relevant sentence is this, “Now, since the purpose of a reincarnation is to carry on the work of the predecessor, the new Dalai Lama will be born in the free world…”

Media coverage in Mongolian, Chinese, Italian, English and Arabic on HH the Dalai Lama’s reincarnation reference in his new book

He prefaces this by referencing his 2011 statement on reincarnation conditioning the coming of the next Dalai Lama to whether the Tibetan Buddhists see benefit. If so, he had said it will be his Gaden Phodrang Trust (the Office of the Dalai Lama) that will have the sole authority on search and recognition. The spiritual element is further emphasized by his reiteration that the process should include “consulting the oath-bound Dharma protectors historically connected with the lineage of the Dalai Lamas, as was followed carefully in my own case” and also “that I will also leave clear written instructions on this.”

In the Tibetan Buddhist system, Palden Lhamo is one such Dharma protectors who is believed to have pledged to particularly stand beside the Dalai Lamas. Invocation of Palden Lhamo is a familiar ritual in the Tibetan community in exile and she is believed to be able to provide visions, including in the search of the Dalai Lamas. The present Dalai Lama considers Palden Lhamo as someone close to him. During a Long-life Offering to him in Dharamsala on June 11, 2024, the Dalai Lama told the gathering, “I have dreamt of Palden Lhamo sitting on my shoulders and telling me that I would live to be a hundred years old or more.”

One update this book has on the reincarnation, since his 2011 statement, is that His Holiness has “received numerous petitions and letters from a wide spectrum of Tibetan people—senior lamas from the various Tibetan traditions, abbots of monasteries, diaspora Tibetan communities across the world, and many prominent and ordinary Tibetans inside Tibet—as well as Tibetan Buddhist communities from the Himalayan region and Mongolia, uniformly asking me to ensure that the Dalai Lama lineage be continued.” Thus, in accordance with his 2011 statement, His Holiness is expected to issue some statement this year on the future course of action.

Irrespective of any development this year, His Holiness draws this conclusion on the connection between the institution of the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan issue: “Some might think, given my age and Communist China’s position as a global power today, that time is not on our side. I disagree. Yes, the Dalai Lama institution plays today an important role in unifying Tibetans everywhere, but let us not forget that while the Dalai Lama institution is only five hundred years old, Tibet’s history is older by more than a millennium and a half. So, I have no doubt that our struggle for freedom will go on, for it pertains to the fate of an ancient nation and its people. As an inherently unstable system, totalitarianism definitely does not have time on its side. Time is on the side of the people, Tibetans as well as Chinese, who aspire for freedom.”

Survival of Tibetan identity and Broken promises from the Chinese side

So, how does His Holiness view the effectiveness of his master plan? In recent years, in his public remarks, he has repeatedly talked about his contribution. Most recently, during an offering of Long-life Prayers in Dharamsala on March 6, 2025, His Holiness summed up his contribution saying, “As you have seen, I have been able to benefit the people of the world to a good extent. In addition, I feel I’ve been able to help Tibetans both inside Tibet and in exile with advice and instructions I have given sincerely.”

The book details the reestablishment of the “historically important cultural and religious institutions of Tibet”, and the establishment of Tibetan refugee resettlement camps as well as many new institutions that complimented the changed situation of Tibetans. All in all, Tibetan identity, religion and culture survives in exile. In comparison, in Tibet, His Holiness says, “the repressive policies on the ground targeting Tibetan identity, culture, and traditions, as well as the large-scale demographic change taking place on the Tibetan plateau caused me great alarm, compelling me to say that what was happening inside Tibet was either willingly or unwillingly, a form of cultural genocide.”

The book clearly shows His Holiness’ disappointment with Chinese leadership at different stages to his overtures for a mutually beneficial negotiated settlement of the Tibetan issue.

In the aftermath of his visit to Chinese capital Beijing in 1954-55 and meetings with Mao Zedong when commitments were made to preserve Tibetan autonomy under a new political system, the book says, “The promises and assurances received in Beijing turned out to be empty.” Similarly, during his visit to India in 1956 he had received commitments from then Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai who was also in India, but “Chinese pledges; Zhou was simply lying.” His Holiness includes a Tibetan quote with which he seems to be agreeing, “There is an old Tibetan saying that captures the essence of the relationship between the Tibetans and the Chinese: “Tibetans are let down by their hopes; the Chinese are let down by their suspicions.”

The Dalai Lama (first right) with Mao Zedong, the Panchen Lama and Zhou Enlai at the Tibetan new year reception he hosted in Beijing in 1955

It is also interesting to see His Holiness take a philosophical perspective on the Tibetan issue. He says, “Tibet and its people were the victims of tragic circumstances of history.” This is because the major powers that had historic connections with Tibet were all preoccupied during the crucial period. Similarly, in his advice to the Tibetan people (in the last section of the book), His Holiness says, “Today’s dark period of Communist Chinese occupation may seem endless, but in our long history, it is but a brief nightmare. As our Buddhist faith teaches us, nothing is immune to the law of impermanence.”

He concludes, “At the time of publishing this book, I will be approaching my ninetieth year. If no resolution is found while I am alive, the Tibetan people, especially those inside Tibet, will blame the Chinese leadership and the Communist Party for its failure to reach a settlement with me.”

Given that this book is about what the Dalai Lama has done for Tibet, much of what is in it is a matter of public record. However, it expands on the thought process on some of the decisions taken, whether it is about not accepting the Chinese invitation in the wake of the death of the 10th Panchen Lama or when the 13th Dalai Lama left an extraordinary and prophetic warning of Communist incursion from the east, way back in 1932. “Tragically, the regency and the Tibetan leadership, following the Thirteenth Dalai Lama’s death, failed to grasp the urgency and seriousness of his warning. Pretty much every aspect has proven to be precisely correct.” Is there a similar message here by him to the present Tibetan leadership and community?

In one sense, this book could be seen as the last of its kind from His Holiness the Dalai Lama given that he had devolved his political authority in 2011 and his age. We are unlikely to see any such writing of this scale in the future by him. China has shown through its policies that its plan is to annihilate the Tibetan identity through Sinicization. The present Dalai Lama’s master plan is to continue the work of the 13th Dalai Lama and to build on it. His objective was to enable Tibetan identity to survive eventually in Tibet, while preserving it in exile. By becoming the voice for the voiceless Tibetans under Chinese communist rule, this book shows how the Dalai Lama has been able to achieve that.

Be that as it may, I believe the final chapter of the present Dalai Lama’s life is yet to be written.

The Special Coordinator for Tibet matters for Tibetans and China

first three special coordinators for Tibet issues

The first three special coordinators for Tibet issues, Greg Craig, Julia Taft and Paula Dobriansky with His Holiness the Dalai Lama and his Special Envoy Lodi Gyari, on May, 21, 2001. (Photo: ICT Sonam Zoksang)

Every four years, the United States experiences an upheaval of sort, depending on the outcome of the presidential elections. Like earthquakes, sometimes changes are minor while sometimes they are major ones, including with subsequent tremors. This year we are going through another such upheaval with President Donald Trump having won and bringing in a new set of officials.

As I write this, we are seeing the nominations and confirmations of cabinet level officials. Then Senator, and now Secretary of State, Marco Rubio was the first one to assume office in this new Trump Administration. Given his general interest in and supportive initiatives on Tibet during his stint in the Senate, the expectation is that Secretary Rubio will be inclined to proactively look for opportunities to resolve the Tibetan issue. Among the first concrete actions Secretary Rubio may take that might provide a clue on how he intends to handle Tibet will be the designation of a US Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues.

History of the Special Coordinator position

Since the formalization of this position in the Tibetan Policy Act of 2002, it has been held by an official at the Under Secretary level, specifically by the individual holding responsibility as Under Secretary of Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights. The one exception is during the first Trump Administration (from January 2016 to January 2021) when a Special Coordinator was not appointed until October 2020, just three months before the term ended.

The reasoning given by then Secretary Rex Tillerson was that Congress did not confirm the two nominees for Under Secretary of Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights: Marshall Billingsea (nominated on January 16, 2019, but returned on January 3, 2020) and Eric Ueland (nominated on June 29, 2020, but withdrawn on December 30, 2020). In the absence of an Under Secretary of Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights, the Trump Administration then eventually opted to designate then Assistant Secretary Robert A. Destro of the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor on October 14, 2020 to be the Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues.

The very next day, Gary Bauer, who was appointed by then President Trump to the US Commission on International Religious Freedom, welcomed on its behalf Destro’s appointment as the US point person on Tibet, saying, “The U.S. Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues is a crucial position for countering the Chinese Communist Party’s attempt to erase the unique identity of Tibetan Buddhism. USCIRF welcomes the strong choice of Assistant Secretary Robert A. Destro to fulfill this role, and we look forward to working with him.”

My organization, the International Campaign for Tibet, while welcoming Destro’s appointment on October 14, 2020, also said it had “advocated for the appointment of a US Special Coordinator as the position is a statutory requirement which concretely demonstrates America’s support for Tibet and the Tibetan people. The Administration should not create a precedent to appoint the Special Coordinator at this lower level in the future.”

In any case, Destro was able to serve in that capacity for only around three months as following the November 2020 elections, Joe Biden became the President in January 2021. However, Destro took the opportunity during this period to stress at a public event in December 2020 on “Religious Freedom in Tibet: The Appointment of Buddhist Leaders and the Succession of the Dalai Lama” that “The United States is committed to helping Tibetans safeguard their way of life – not just in Tibet but also in India, Nepal, Bhutan and everywhere that it flourishes.”

In December 2021, Biden Administration Secretary of State Antony Blinken designated new Under Secretary of Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights Uzra Zeya as the Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues.

In our welcome statement, ICT said, “As mandated by the Tibetan Policy and Support Act of last year, we urge Special Coordinator Zeya to proactively take the lead in gathering support from like-minded countries to formulate a common approach on the Tibetan issue.”

Special Coordinator Destro reached out to ICT Chairman Richard Gere on January 19, 2021, on the last day of his tenure and announced through a social media posting subsequently saying, “Spoke with Chairman of @SaveTibetOrg Richard Gere today to underscore the U.S. Government’s serious commitment to support Tibetan human rights.”

In the coming months we will see other senior officials in the Rubio State Department, including at the Under Secretary level, being nominated and confirmed. As and when that happens, we can expect Secretary Rubio to name his Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues.

Tibet in the White House?

While we know where Secretary Rubio stands on the issue of Tibet, what about President Trump? During his first term, there was no meeting with His Holiness the Dalai Lama.

The only direct Tibet interaction at the presidential level was during an event in the White House on July 17, 2019, when there was a brief exchange between Trump and Nyima Lhamo, a Tibetan and niece of then imprisoned Tibetan Buddhist master Tenzin Delek Rinpoche. Nyima Lhamo la was among a group of survivors of religious persecution invited by the Trump Administration to participate in the second Ministerial to Advance Religious Freedom.

I have filled out the transcript provided by then White House as follows:

THE PRESIDENT: Paula White? Could you say a few words, Paula, please?
MS. WHITE: Yes, sir.
MS. LHAMO: Sorry, it’s just — I’m from Tibet. It’s my dream to visit — this opportunity to visit the President of America. Tibetan need inside Tibetan need American support, please. Support His Holiness the Dalai Lama to come back to Tibet.
THE PRESIDENT: Support, yeah.
MS. LHAMO: Yeah. His Holiness Dalai Lama to come back in Tibet. My English is not good, but —
THE PRESIDENT: No, it’s fine.
MS. LHAMO: Thank you so much for this opportunity to gather and share the story. Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much.
MS. LHAMO: Thank you so much.
THE PRESIDENT: Please say hello. Please say hello. Okay?
MS. LHAMO: Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much. I appreciate it. And your English is actually very good.
MS. LHAMO: Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you.

When this exchange was going on in the White House, I was in the adjacent room as I was accompanying Nyima Lhamo la.

In his introductory remarks, Trump told the group, “Each of us has the right to follow the dictates of our conscience and the demands of our religious conviction. We know that if people are not free to practice their faith, then all of the freedoms are at risk and, frankly, freedoms don’t mean very much. That’s why Americans will never tire in our effort to defend and promote religious freedom.”

The importance of the Special Coordinator

Why is the office of the Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues important? The United States has historically shown a bipartisan approach towards the Tibetan issue. Successive administrations have maintained (as referenced in the annual Tibet Negotiations Report) that “Failure to address these problems will lead to greater tensions inside China and will be an impediment to China’s social and economic development, as well as continue to be a stumbling block to fuller political and economic engagement with the United States.”

Fundamentally, as contained in the Tibetan Policy Act, “The central objective of the Special Coordinator is to promote substantive dialogue between the Government of the People’s Republic of China and the Dalai Lama or his representatives.” The position has the following responsibilities:

  1. coordinate United States Government policies, programs, and projects concerning Tibet;
  2. vigorously promote the policy of seeking to protect the distinct religious, cultural, linguistic, and national identity of Tibet, and pressing for improved respect for human rights;
  3. maintain close contact with religious, cultural, and political leaders of the Tibetan people, including regular travel to Tibetan areas of the People’s Republic of China, and to Tibetan refugee settlements in India and Nepal;
  4. consult with Congress on policies relevant to Tibet and the future and welfare of the Tibetan people;
  5. make efforts to establish contacts in the foreign ministries of other countries to pursue a negotiated solution for Tibet; and
  6. take all appropriate steps to ensure adequate resources, staff, and bureaucratic support to fulfill the duties and responsibilities of the Special Coordinator

There have been subsequent additions through additional Tibet legislation.

To date, there have been seven US Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues who have been the most visible indication of American support to Tibet. The first was Greg Craig (from October 31, 1997 to September 16, 1998) appointed by Secretary of State Madeleine Albright under Bill Clinton Administration). The second was Julia V. Taft (from January 20, 1999 to January 19, 2001) also appointed by Secretary Albright. The third was Paula Dobriansky (two terms from May 17, 2001 to January 20, 2009) appointed by Secretary of State Colin L. Powell under the George W. Bush Administration. The fourth was Maria Otero (from October 1, 2009 – February 4, 2013) by Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton under the Barack Obama Administration. The fifth was Sarah Sewall (from February 21, 2014 until January 20, 2017) appointed by Secretary of State John Kerry under the second Obama Administration. The sixth was Robert Destro (from October 14, 2020 to January 19, 2021) appointed by Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo under the first Donald Trump Administration. The seventh was Uzra Zeya (from Dec 20, 2021 to January 10, 2025) appointed by Secretary of State Antony Blinken under the Joe Biden Administration.

first three special coordinators for Tibet issues

The first three special coordinators for Tibet issues, Greg Craig, Julia Taft and Paula Dobriansky with His Holiness the Dalai Lama and his Special Envoy Lodi Gyari, on May, 21, 2001. (Photo: ICT Sonam Zoksang)

special coordinators for Tibetan issues

The subsequent special coordinators for Tibetan issues Maria Otero, Sarah Sewall, Robert Destro, and Uzra Zeya.

All of them served as coordinator of the programmatic and policy initiatives of different departments on the issue of Tibet and the Tibetan people. Their activities, including their visits to meet with His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan leadership and communities, have sent a strong message to the Tibetans, particularly those living under China’s restrictive rule in Tibet, about the American people’s strong support to them.

In his book The Dalai Lama’s Special Envoy: Memoirs of a Lifetime in Pursuit of a Reunited Tibet, Kasur Lodi Gyari, who had served as His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s point person in Washington, D.C. for over 15 years, highlights the importance of this American symbol for Tibet, “Each Special Coordinator has been very helpful to our cause, and Beijing pays very close attention to the office’s activities. If the position remains unfilled or is given to a low-­ ranking official, Beijing will most certainly interpret it as a downgrading of the Tibet issue in the administration’s eyes, even if that is not the State Department’s intent. It is thus essential for those continuing to work on Tibet’s behalf, as I did when I was Special Envoy, to build a strong case to keep the position at as high a rank and as political as possible each time a new appointment is under consideration.”

Earthquake in Tibet and Tibetan anguish

A blessing in disguise of a tragedy, if I can even dare say, is that it brings out the positive side of people all over. That was the experience of the Tibetan refugees in the immediate period following their escape from Tibet in and after 1959, when there was an outpouring of material and moral support from the international community.

In the past several days since the tragic earthquake in Dhingri (also written as Dingri) region in Western Tibet, I have been observing a similar kind of outpouring of support, this time from Tibetans all over Tibet and in exile.

On January 7, 2025, a strong earthquake struck in a primarily rural area close to the Tibet-Nepal border. While the China Earthquake Administration puts its strength as 6.8 on the Richter scale, the US Geological Survey placed the magnitude higher, at 7.1. For that matter, the two monitoring agencies also differed slightly in the exact location of the center of the earthquake (28.639°N 87.361°E (USGS) and 28.50°N 87.45°E (CEA).

According to China’s own latest public report, it said the casualties included 126 people dead (as of 12:00 local time on January 8) and 337 injured. But given the intensity of the quake, the landscape of the region, and China’s own report of “heavy casualties”, of 3,612 houses having collapsed (again as of 12:00 on January 8), and 27,248 homes having been damaged, many more people must have died. Knowing the opaque nature of the working of the Chinese regime, we will not know the real number of people who have died.

China has been publicizing its relief work mentioning the amount being spent by it, and irrespective of the veracity of the figures being quoted, that is their duty. Even Xi Jinping issued “special instructions” as well as chaired a politburo meeting of the Communist Party of China on January 9 on earthquake relief. Certainly, the Chinese authorities were aware of the international spotlight on Tibet and the sentiments of Tibetans in exile, and above all the positive impact on the affected Tibetans by the spiritual succor (although from far) being provided by His Holiness the Dalai Lama. It may not be a coincidence that Xi Jinping’s meeting of the politburo happened on the same day the Dalai Lama had scheduled for special prayers for victims of the earthquake.

Even if the Chinese government had adequate material resources to provide to the affected people, only the Dalai Lama would be the one able to provide mental and spiritual solace to the people. This power of His Holiness can be seen currently from the public audience that he is providing to the elderly people in the Tibetan settlement in South India, many of whom are having such an opportunity for the first time in their lives.

Tibetans in exile as well as many friends and supporters throughout the world have been expressing their solidarity and holding prayer sessions. Many governments have either issued statements or made social media postings expressing their sympathy.

However, the advent of social media, even under the restrictive environment of China has enabled us to get a glimpse of the outpouring of generosity from Tibetans in different parts of Tibet. Individuals were voluntarily organizing relief efforts, taking trucks loaded with donations from ordinary Tibetans.

The sentiments prevailing was one of solidarity with the people affected by the earthquake, as is reflected by this just released song by four established singers from Tibet, Tenpa Gyaltsen, Nordon, Phuntsok Dolma, and Tseten Phuntsok. It is titled Dhungyang (Melody of Anguish).

Following is my translation of the lyrics in English to provide you with a bit of the flavor.

གདུང་དབྱངས།

Melody of Anguish


སྲིད་པའི་གངས་རིའི་འདབས་ཀྱི།
དབེན་འཇམ་ལ་སྟོད་གཞུང་ལ།
ཡམ་ཡོམ་ས་ཡི་འཇིགས་པས།
ཐལ་བའི་རྡུལ་གྱིས་བསྒྲིབ་སོང་།
Lying on the edge of the world’s snow mountains
The remote and calm Upper Pass*
Was by the might of the quivering earthquake
Covered with dust particles

ས་རྡོ་གས་སོང་མ་གསུངས།
བྱམས་དང་བརྩེ་བས་བསུབ་ཆོག
གཅིག་པོར་ལུས་སོང་མ་བསམ།
གདུངས་སེམས་མཉམ་སྐྱེད་ཞུས་ཡོད།
Don’t say that the earth and the stones have broken
(We) Will erase that with love and affection
Don’t think that (you have been) left alone
(We have) expressed our solidarity

རི་བོ་ཇོ་མོ་གླང་མ།
མ་འགྱུར་བརྟན་པོར་བཞུགས་དང་།
ཁྱེད་ཀྱི་བྱམས་བརྩེའི་པང་དུ།
ཕྱི་མ་མཇལ་བའི་སྨོན་ལམ།
The Mountain Jomo Langma**
Don’t change, but stay stable
On the lap of your love and affection
(We) Pray that there will be a meeting in the future

བློ་མ་ཕམ། ཡིད་མ་སྐྱོ།
ང་ཚོ་ནམ་ཡང་ལག་གདངས་གཅིག་ལ་སྦྲེལ།
Don’t be disheartened! Don’t be saddened!
We will forever be joined in hands

གངས་རིའི་འདབས་ལ་འཚོ་བའི།
བརྩེ་བའི་ལ་སྟོད་ཡུལ་མི།
སེམས་ཤུགས་ཡིད་ཐངས་མ་ཆད།
མི་ཡུལ་བརྩེ་བས་ཁེངས་ཡོད།
འཐོར་བའི་ཁྱིམ་གཞིས་དྲོན་མོ།
བྱམས་དང་བརྩེ་བས་བསྐྲུན་ཆོག
བྲལ་བའི་ཕ་མ་སྤུན་ལ།
གསོལ་བ་སྨོན་ལམ་བཏབ་ཡོད།
Living on the edge of the snow mountain
The affectionate people of the Upper Pass*
Don’t lose courage or despair
The human world is filled with affection
The broken warm homes
Shall be rebuild with love and affection
For parents and relatives with whom (you have been) separated
Prayers have been recited

རི་བོ་ཇོ་མོ་གླང་མ།
མ་འགྱུར་བརྟན་པོར་བཞུགས་དང་།
ཁྱེད་ཀྱི་བྱམས་བརྩེའི་པང་དུ།
ཕྱི་མ་མཇལ་བའི་སྨོན་ལམ།
The Mountain Jomo Langma**
Don’t change, but stay stable
On the lap of your love and affection
(We) Pray that there will be a meeting in the future

བློ་མ་ཕམ། ཡིད་མ་སྐྱོ།
ང་ཚོ་ནམ་ཡང་ལག་གདངས་གཅིག་ལ་སྦྲེལ།
ང་ཚོ་ནམ་ཡང་ལག་གདངས་གཅིག་ལ་སྦྲེལ།

Don’t be disheartened! Don’t be saddened!
We will forever be joined in hands
We will forever be joined in hands

*an epithet for Dhingri
** Mount Everest

Tibetan singers
As the four singers aptly put it, including through their ending gesture of solidarity, during this time of tragedy of the Tibetans in western Tibet, “Don’t be disheartened! Don’t be saddened! We will forever be joined in hands.”

My take on the Joint Statement on Tibet at the UN in New York

As we come to the end of 2024, one interesting political development on Tibet was that on October 22, 2024 a “Joint statement on the human rights situation in Xinjiang and Tibet” by 15 countries was made at United Nations Third Committee session in New York evokes interest in quite a few ways. Here, I will only touch on the Tibet part of the statement as I am sure our Uyghur friends are themselves studying the more substantive East Turkestan (as Xinjiang is known to them) reference. The Third Committee is one of the committees of the UN General Assembly, the Social, Humanitarian & Cultural Issues overseeing human rights matters.

The statement, read by Ambassador James Larsen of Australia, was on behalf of the following countries: Australia, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Iceland, Japan, Lithuania, Kingdom of the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, United Kingdom, and United States of America.

The joint statement recalled reference by UN specialized agencies to “detention of Tibetans for the peaceful expression of political views; restrictions on travel; coercive labour arrangements; separation of children from families in boarding schools; and erosion of linguistic, cultural, educational and religious rights and freedoms in Tibet.” It asked China “to fully implement all UN recommendations including from the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights’ assessment, Treaty Bodies and other United Nations human rights mechanisms,” including release of detained Tibetans.

This statement is noteworthy as it is the first time in many years that such a reference to the Tibetan situation at the UN General Assembly’s Third Committee is being made. Over the years, we have seen regular attention to Tibet at the United Nations in Geneva where its Human Rights Council is located. There have been statements by independent UN Human Rights Special Procedures, experts, countries, but hardly anything in the sessions in New York.

I have attended sessions of UN, both in New York and Geneva, including during the time of the then UN Human Rights Commission (now renamed Human Rights Council) and its Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities in the 1990s. In fact, I was in the conference hall in Geneva when a resolution on “Situation in Tibet” was passed on August 23, 1991 by the sub-commission. The sub-commission, which was renamed in 1999 and eventually done away with in 2006, composed of human rights experts from different parts of the world.

At that time, it was a Tibet-specific sub-commission resolution and was seen as a significant political message by a United Nations agency to China. As an aside, there was virtual silence in the room as the results of the voting (by secret ballot) on this resolution was announced. It was adopted with nine members in favor, seven against and four abstentions.

The sub-commission resolution on Tibet had mandated that the Secretary-General submit a report on the situation in Tibet to the main Commission on Human Rights, which was duly done during the Commission session in January 1992.

The 1991 resolution was the first on Tibet by a UN agency since the General Assembly passed its third resolution on Tibet in 1965. Since then, there have not been any Tibet-specific resolutions at the UN even though Tibet was included among issues regularly.

Thus, as welcome as the joint statement by 15 countries is, I cannot help but feel that over the years there has been a disconcerting development with governments either not able to or hesitating to raise issues like that of the Tibetan people substantively at the UN. This joint statement is a case in point; compared with the overall conditions in Tibet today, the statement is a generalized presentation of an aspect of the situation.

One reason for this development is the change in the political climate manipulated by China’s shrewd strategy. While the free and democratic countries were unable to adopt a cohesive strategy to deal with China’s human rights abuses, the Chinese government has, on the other hand, been able to alter the situation, internationally and within the UN system. China has been able to change the goal post by accusing the West of using Tibet, projecting itself as the leader of the developing world, and making governments believe that talking about Tibet is “sensitive topic”. Sinologists are directly and indirectly coopted to amplify the Chinese narrative by appearing to provide “balanced” analysis, emphasizing the need to consider “sensitive issues”. Even officials in the governments fall a prey to this Chinese government manipulation and latch on to the idea of needing to consider China’s sensitivity for almost any and everything. Therefore, we see governments feeling the need to unnecessarily preface any of their statements on Tibet with it being “part of the People’s Republic of China.” Despite the fact that the central work of the United Nations is in reality interference in the internal affairs of countries, albeit for the collective good, China uses the pretext of interference of domestic affairs to reduce the space for discussions on Tibet in platforms like that of the United Nations.

China is also able to bend the rules through different pretext to silence civil society groups by objecting to their accreditation on flimsy grounds. In January 2024, China objected to one NGO (whose focus was not human rights) as it was not using “UN terminology in referring to Tibet as the autonomous region of China”. “Correct terminology” was a repeated charge used by China for the past some years. In fact, in January 2020 at the meeting where accreditation of NGOs were being discussed, the United States reacted to this Chinese excuse. The UN report for the day says, “The representative of the United States said her delegation has serious concerns with any Committee member that insists that NGOs use so-called correct United Nations terminology as a condition for receiving consultative status. NGOs should be free to refer to “Taiwan” or to special administrative or autonomous regions such as “Hong Kong”, “Macau” and “Tibet”. Insisting on the use of alternative terminology would have the effect of censoring NGOs and stifling civil society voices at the United Nations.”

I have no doubt that it took lots of diplomatic discussions among the 15 countries to even come up with such a comparatively general joint statement. But have these countries thought of a collective strategy that is all encompassing when it comes to human rights abuses by China. On the part of China, the diplomatic strategy it has adopted included instigating smaller countries, particularly those whose own human rights situation is deplorable, to lead in combating efforts against China in the UN. This could be seen with the joint statement. After Australia spoke on behalf of the 15 countries in the Third Committee session, Pakistan had been lined up to speak on behalf of 80 countries that China had brought together and criticize the 15 countries. More than 40 of the countries were from Africa, while over 21 were from Asia, including the State of Palestine, which itself is ironically dependent on international support in its struggle against Israel. China herself, although joining the 80 countries, spoke separately to convey the impression that the 80 countries were doing this on their own initiative.

As governments thus decreased their role, a resultant factor has been the unintentional lowering of the collective expectations by the Tibet movement from the United Nations and the international community. Today, even the mere mention of “Tibet” is seen as significant.

Governments in the free world, particularly democratic countries in the West, have repeatedly been expressing their commitment to fundamental values like human rights, democracy and rule of law. In the case of the United States, these values are also connected to its national interest. Therefore, whether it is a reference in a statement or a more substantive initiative on Tibet, the United States and other like-minded governments need to see it as part of protecting national interest and less about protecting victims.

On the contrary, given current United Nations system, issues like Tibet become a part of international politicking rather than looking at it from its own merit. For example, the fate of Palestinians in Gaza and in general is garnering much international sympathy. Nevertheless, the State of Palestine cannot help but be part of UN politicking by China and is among those 80 countries that came in support of China during the Third Committee session, despite the fact that their own fellow Muslims, the Uyghurs, are the ones the 15-country joint statement was highlighting. Does this mean the Palestinians do not support the Uyghur people in their quest for human rights?

This can be seen from the remarks by General Assembly President Philémon Yang (from Cameroon) when the Third Committee saw the remarks on August 22, 2024. The official UN report for the day began with a quote from him saying, “Amid multiple global crises, the Committee’s work is vital in promoting human rights, shaping international norms, influencing national policies… From Gaza and Lebanon to Sudan, Ukraine and beyond, we see the devastating results of increasing violence, conflict and persecution…We cannot remain silent amid these and so many other crises.” Yang calls for doing away with silence, but ironically his own country was part of the 80 trying to silence the joint statement.

This also highlights the limitations of the United Nations. British-Nepali jurist Surya Prasad Subedi, who had also served as UN’s Special Rapporteur for human rights in Cambodia, succinctly puts it in his book, The Effectiveness of the UN Human Rights System, “The scorecard of the UN human rights mechanisms appears impressive in terms of the promotion, spreading of education and engaging States in a dialogue to promote human rights, but when it comes to holding governments to account for violations of these rights, the picture is much more dismal.” I would not even go that far. Governments have been unable to engage with each other, whether bilaterally or under the United Nations framework on issues like that of human rights.

Subedi argues most of the UN human rights mechanisms have remained toothless entities and proposes measures to reform and strengthen it by depoliticizing the workings of UN human rights mechanisms and judicializing human rights at the international level.

Although Tibetans console ourselves about the “justness of our cause” and hoping for support based on this merit, the international community has considerations other than that in deciding to raise, support or oppose human rights issues in international fora.

When governments and the United Nations fail to address contemporary critical situation they should ponder on why this might be happening. I would recall to them the statement made by His Holiness the Dalai Lama on March 10, 2002, on the anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising, in which he said, “Internationally, the majority of the governments are in agreement that there is an urgent need for joint efforts to combat terrorism and a series of measures have been adopted. Unfortunately, the present measures lack a long-term and comprehensive approach to deal with the root causes of terrorism. What is required is a well-thought-out, long-term strategy to promote globally a political culture of non-violence and dialogue. The international community must assume a responsibility to give strong and effective support to non-violent movements committed to peaceful changes. Otherwise, it will be seen as hypocrisy to condemn and combat those who have risen in anger and despair but to continue to ignore those who have consistently espoused restraint and dialogue as a constructive alternative to violence.”

How can we best celebrate the anniversary of H.H. the Dalai Lama’s Congressional Gold Medal?

In August this year, I had the intensely emotional experience of attending the event in New York organized by the Tibetan and Himalayan communities to make a Tenshug (long-live prayer) offering to His Holiness the Dalai Lama who was on a visit to the United States.

It was emotional for few reasons. First, the most recent visit of His Holiness to this part of the world took place way back in 2016, before the dreaded Covid19 pandemic.

Secondly, indications until this visit were that His Holiness would be limiting his international travel thus reducing the opportunity for devotees in this region to be in his direct presence and attend his teachings here.

Thirdly, and with this sort of reduced opportunity, all devotees and well-wishers were both overjoyed and concerned when learning that His Holiness was making an unprecedented visit to the United States for a knee surgery. To our collective relief, we were informed that His Holiness not only had a successful treatment, but that he would accept the devotees’ supplication for an opportunity to be in his presence.

Bhuchung K. Tsering

The event took place in a packed ice hockey stadium in the outskirts of New York City. During the whole time that His Holiness the Dalai Lama was at the venue, there was palpable hysteria, although expressed differently than one would see at a music or a sports event. The way the over 17,000 people in the stadium reacted as soon as the giant monitor screen showed His Holiness coming toward the stage was something best left to be experienced.

The reason why I am referring to this event is because we are now celebrating the 17th anniversary of another historic event, the Congressional Gold Medal to His Holiness the Dalai Lama, which took place in Washington, DC on October 17, 2007. The legislation that mandated this award, S.2784 – Fourteenth Dalai Lama Congressional Gold Medal Act, in fact outline the reasons for this sort of public reverence to His Holiness. It acknowledged that His Holiness “is the unrivaled spiritual and cultural leader of the Tibetan people,” and one might extend this to other communities who consider themselves as his devotees.

Since 17 years have passed, let us recall the reasons the Congress outlined as the basis for its decision to bestow the award to His Holiness. It mentioned six points, saying the Dalai Lama:

  1. is recognized in the United States and throughout the world as a leading figure of moral and religious authority;
  2. is the unrivaled spiritual and cultural leader of the Tibetan people, and has used his leadership to promote democracy, freedom, and peace for the Tibetan people through a negotiated settlement of the Tibet issue, based on autonomy within the People’s Republic of China;
  3. has led the effort to preserve the rich cultural, religious, and linguistic heritage of the Tibetan people and to promote the safeguarding of other endangered cultures throughout the world;
  4. was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1989 for his efforts to promote peace and non-violence throughout the globe, and to find democratic reconciliation for the Tibetan people through his “Middle Way” approach;
  5. has significantly advanced the goal of greater understanding, tolerance, harmony, and respect among the different religious faiths of the world through interfaith dialogue and outreach to other religious leaders; and
  6. has used his moral authority to promote the concept of universal responsibility as a guiding tenet for how human beings should treat one another and the planet we share.

So, as we celebrate the anniversary of the Congressional Gold Medal to His Holiness it is heartening to see the continued strong reverence people have for His Holiness. As the New York event (as well as the one in Zurich and subsequent public events in Dharamsala) showed, His Holiness is still there to provide us with pertinent advice. But it would even be more beneficial for us devotees and well-wishers to see how we can strengthen our work to fulfil His Holiness’ vision. For example, while re-reading His Holiness’ essay on A Human Approach to World Peace (written in the 1980s) recently for a work-related task, given the ongoing Russian war against Ukraine and the expanding violence in the Middle East, the universality of his message is something that we need to draw attention to.

For Tibetans, it is imperative that we use this occasion to take stock of the changing situation, whether His Holiness’ age, Chinese strategy on Tibet and His Holiness, Tibetan exile politics. We Tibetans need to get our priorities right, just as Gungthang Rinpoche advised us way back in the 18th century: “Do not cast aside the root, and (merely) grasp the branches” “(རྩ་བ་བོར་ནས་ཡལ་ག་མ་འཛིན་ཨང༌། གུང་ཐང་བསྟན་པའི་སྒྲོན་མེ།). I believe the time has come for Tibetans and the Tibet movement as a whole to consolidate our achievements and institutionalize them in the different countries where we reside.