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ICT remembers T. Kumar, a human rights champion who lived a meaningful life helping Tibetans and others

2 months ago

The news about the passing of Thambithurai Muthukumarasamy (commonly known as T. Kumar) on January 26, 2026, brought back memories of the many years we at the International Campaign for Tibet (ICT) were privileged to work with him when he was at Amnesty International. Kumar was a familiar face in the human rights community in Washington, DC, aggressively advocating for communities in every corner of the globe that were suffering under authoritarian rules throughout the world.

ICT President Tencho Gyatso and I attended his memorial service on February 1, 2026, where I delivered remarks on our behalf.

T. Kumar (center, under the pole hoisting Tibetan flag) at a Tibet rally in Washington, DC in 2012. Immediately to his left is Mr. Lodi Gyari, then Special Envoy of H.H. the Dalai Lama.

Given Kumar’s steadfast championing of Tibetan rights, and being a Tibetan, I expressed on our people’s behalf our heartfelt condolences to Kumar’s family. Tibetans gained much from Kumar’s work in Washington, DC, including learning the value of wisdom, empathy compassion.

Kumar was always available to the Tibetan people, whether it was a rally, a meeting or any other opening to add the value of Amnesty International to the struggle for Tibetan freedom. Personally, I enjoyed a cordial relationship with Kumar and appreciated his wise counsel. Oftentimes, I would get phone calls from him, “Bhuchung, Kumar here,” followed by a suggestion of opportunity to advance the cause with the administration or with the Hill.

Kumar was particularly interested in the issue of the 11th Panchen Lama, perhaps the second most widely known Tibetan Buddhist leader after His Holiness the Dalai Lama. The 10th Panchen Lama passed away in 1989 and his reincarnation (recognized by the Dalai Lama) was detained by Chinese Government in 1995, coincidentally in the same year when Kumar joined Amnesty. The 11th Panchen Lama remains in detention and incommunicado to this day and is often called the world’s youngest political prison. Kumar did everything possible to make the U.S. Administration and Congress use their leverage with Beijing to secure his release. If there is anything the Administration has done for the Panchen Lama, Kumar had a mark in that, that is something I am very much sure of.

T. Kumar attending a reception in 2003 for the newly released Tibetan political prisoner Ngawang Sangdrol.

Kumar didn’t merely use Amnesty International’s platform; he went beyond the call of his duty, including the call of his organizational duty. The reason why I say this is because the Tibetan issue has human rights elements but it is more than human rights. Amnesty International’s mandate allows it to be involved in issues only within a human rights framework. Given that Tibetan human rights is very much linked to the broader political issue of Tibet’s relationship with China, whenever we had any events on Tibet that had political overtones, Kumar would find a creative solution to allow him to particpate.

I am a Buddhist and I believe in the law of karma. Kumar joined Amnesty International in 1995. I joined the International Campaign for Tibet in 1995. We participated together in many hearings, many briefings, even media interactions. I remember in 2008 when there were large-scale demonstrations by Tibetans in Tibet. Chinese security forces cracked down heavily, and the Diane Rehm Show did a special hour-long discussion on the development. Kumar and I (as well as Steve Marshall who was with CECC at the time) were invited to join the program at American University’s radio studio. So if the law of karma holds true and if Kumar’s religious belief also includes belief in rebirth, I have no doubt that it will take him to a better place.

We Buddhists, whenever we have prayers for someone who has passed away, recite a prayer to our Bodhisattva of Compassion. It is apt to repeat that prayer here for a compassionate person like Kumar. It is short and goes, Om Mani Padme Hum, Hail to the Jewel in the Lotus.

I want to end with a quote from His Holiness the Dalai Lama. In explaining his view of having lived a meaningful life, he said, “Meaningful life means, if possible, helping others. If not, at least restrain from harming others.” T. Kumar’s life personified the living of a meaningful life.

Mr. Bhuchung Tsering speaking at the memorial service for T. Kumar on February 1, 2026.

Revitalization of Tibet on US College Campuses: JFK Jr. Forum at Harvard

2 months ago

Guest

By: Tenzin Yiga

Sikyong Penpa Tsering poses with students after a forum hosted at Harvard University.

Standing on the stage of the John F. Kennedy Jr. Forum at Harvard’s Institute of Politics, I could feel the weight of nearly 30 years of silence in the room. It was November 28, 2025 and for the first time since His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama spoke at the Kennedy School of Government in 1995, a Tibetan leader was returning to that stage to continue an unfinished conversation. I was one of the only Tibetan students at Harvard, and introducing Sikyong Penpa Tsering—the democratically elected President of the Central Tibetan Administration—was more than a personal honor. It felt like a turning point, not just for Harvard, but for how American college campuses engage with the issue of Tibet.

For decades, Tibet has been a footnote in American discourse on China, often overshadowed by conversations about international trade, technology, and geopolitical competition. In the 1980s and 1990s, many college campuses centered Tibet as a critical human rights issue among student activist groups. Since then, a once roaring and passionate cause has faded into the background. But something is shifting. The JFK Jr. Forum on “Tibetan Democracy in Exile” was an unambiguous statement that Tibet belongs in the most rigorous spaces of academic and policy discussion. And if a mere undergraduate student like me could organize and ideate such a large-scale and significant event like this at Harvard, change must also surely be coming to other campuses across the country.

Coming at such a critical juncture in geopolitics, this Forum could not have been more urgent. In 2024, the US Congress passed the Promoting a Resolution to the Tibet-China Dispute Act, signaling renewed American commitment to Tibetan self-determination. Meanwhile, China’s assimilation policies in Tibet have intensified—eroding language, religion, and cultural identity through state-run residential boarding schools, forced labor programs, and surveillance systems. The Tibetan Plateau, often called the “Third Pole,” is experiencing rapid glacial melt, threatening water security for billions of people across Asia and around the world. Tibet is not a relic of Cold War-era activism; it is a living, evolving crisis that intersects with human rights, climate change, geopolitics, national security, and the future of democracy itself.

Yet even with tens of thousands of Tibetan-Americans living in the United States, Tibet has largely disappeared from the conversation on college campuses. Student groups that once rallied for Tibetan freedom have dwindled or disbanded. Courses on Asian history and politics often reduce Tibet to a brief historical mention, and many colleges don’t offer comprehensive courses or departmental spaces for Tibetan studies. The vibrancy that once characterized campus activism around Tibet has dimmed, replaced by a sense that the issue is too complex, too intractable, or simply too distant to matter.

The Forum challenged that narrative. Sikyong Penpa Tsering’s presence at Harvard reminded us that Tibet is not a lost cause—it is a living and thriving democratic project. The Central Tibetan Administration has held free and fair elections across a scattered global diaspora for over six decades, maintaining civic participation, transparent governance, and peaceful transitions of power without a single inch of sovereign territory. For students studying democracy, international relations, or statelessness, the Tibetan model offers one of the most compelling case studies in modern governance. It addresses questions like: How does a community sustain democracy when it has no state? How do you establish and maintain legitimacy when your government is in exile? These are not abstract ideas—they are urgent lessons for a world grappling with authoritarianism, mass displacement, and the erosion of democratic principles. Tibet offers students a powerful lens through which we can examine democracy, human rights, environmental security, and the future of US-China relations.

Sikyong Penpa Tsering speaks at the John F. Kennedy Jr. Forum at Harvard’s Institute of Politics in November 2025.

For me, this Forum was deeply personal. I was born and grew up in India, at the heart of the exile Tibetan community, and later moved to New York City. Across these different geographies, I was always aware of the Tibetan struggle. However, it wasn’t until I arrived at college that I truly understood how isolated that struggle had become in American academic spaces. Walking through campus, attending lectures, and engaging with peers, I realized that many students knew virtually nothing about Tibet beyond surface-level Hollywood treatments or vague associations with His Holiness the Dalai Lama or spirituality. Even at Harvard, surrounded by brilliant and politically engaged minds, my classmates and friends seemed shocked to find out about what was happening in Tibet. The brutal invasion, the ongoing repressive occupation, present political reality, as well as the democratic resilience of the exile community—it was all absent from their awareness.

I scoured past Forums for any mention of Tibet, and found none. I realized then that it was up to me to take the initiative, to enact that change, and that no one else would be there to hand me the opportunity. That is when I decided to draft up a Forum proposal and reach out to Dr. Namgyal—USA Representative of His Holiness the Dalai Lama—at the Office of Tibet in Washington, DC. This wasn’t just about hosting a speaker or for my own accolades, it was about uplifting my community and reclaiming space for Tibet in one of the most prestigious academic institutions in the world. The JFK Jr. Forum has a legacy of hosting leaders who shape global political discourse including presidents, ambassadors, activists, diplomats, and visionaries. His Holiness the Dalai Lama spoke there in 1995, at a time when Tibet was still a prominent issue in US foreign policy.

After various obstacles, the Forum was approved and the date was set. Standing on that stage to introduce the Sikyong, I felt the responsibility of breaking a 30-year silence. I wasn’t just speaking as a student or as a moderator—I was speaking as a Tibetan-American who grew up believing that our voices mattered, that our struggle was worth fighting for, and that the world would eventually listen. The Forum was proof that those beliefs were not naive.

The success of the JFK Jr. Forum on Tibet should serve as a blueprint for campuses nationwide. If Harvard—a university with deep ties to China, significant Chinese student enrollment, and complex institutional considerations—can host a robust, unapologetic conversation about Tibetan democracy, then so can every other university in America. This Forum demonstrated that engaging with Tibet is not about antagonizing China; it is about upholding the values that America and its universities claim to champion — free inquiry, human rights, and the rigorous pursuit of truth. We proved that students are hungry for these conversations, faculty are eager to engage, and the broader public is ready to listen. To every student reading this: if you care about democracy, if you care about human rights, if you care about holding authoritarian regimes accountable, then you should care about Tibet. And if your campus is not talking about it, then it is up to you to make them. Organize events, invite speakers, start conversations.

But this Forum cannot be a one-time event. The revitalization of Tibet on college campuses requires sustained effort, institutional support, and student-led initiative and advocacy. Whether it is more academic integration, student activism and organizing, engagement with Tibetan leaders, research and policy work, or coalition building, American universities have a responsibility to engage with this issue, not as a favor to the Tibetan community but as a matter of intellectual honesty and moral clarity.

For me, the JFK Jr. Forum was a reminder that the fight for Tibet is not over. In fact, as long as Tibetans are living under fear and intimidation every single day in their homeland, those of us living in the free world bear the responsibility to continue to advocate for their voices to be heard. And we must do it together—on every campus, in every classroom, and in every conversation about the future of democracy and human rights. The stage is set and now it’s up to all of us to keep the conversation going.

Zhang Yadi: The 22-year-old student Beijing fears

December 18, 2025

Vincent Metten

数月前对话，如今失联被捕：22岁“挺藏“思想犯张雅笛的故事｜往事要再提06
Tara Freesoul on X/Twitter

Zhang Yadi is 22 years old. Friends describe her as bright, curious, and determined to understand the world beyond the censorship and information controls imposed by the Chinese authorities on its citizens. During her studies in Paris, she developed a strong interest in questions of freedom of expression, equality between peoples, and human rights, especially concerning Tibet. Nothing about her profile resembles that of a political agitator. She was, above all, someone who listened, learned, and cared. It is precisely this openness – this willingness to think freely and empathize with those silenced at home – that made her, in the eyes of Beijing, someone to fear.

While living abroad, Zhang Yadi contributed occasional texts to a small blog run by young Chinese expatriates. It was not a political platform but a space for reflection, where she wrote about culture, daily life, and the ideas she discovered in Europe. One of her collaborators, Ginger, later insisted that she “never expressed radical or separatist positions.” Her engagement was modest, guided by curiosity and empathy, particularly for Tibetans whose voices she felt were seldom heard in China. Yet, it appears to have been enough for her to become a target of the Chinese authorities’ repression.

Zhang Yadi was preparing to start a new chapter of her life – having been accepted to SOAS in London for the autumn term – when everything was suddenly cut short. On July 31, 2025, after visiting Tibetan areas in Yunnan and returning to her hometown of Changsha to see her family, she suddenly disappeared. She stopped answering calls but managed to send a short audio message to a friend, in which she sounded weak and said she was in a hospital. Soon afterward, her relatives confirmed that she had been arrested and transferred to a detention center in Changsha. Since then, according to her family, she has been held in complete isolation for more than three months – without access to a lawyer, without contact with her partner or friends, and with no information about her health or the conditions of her detention.

This isolation violates fundamental international standards, including the right to liberty and security, the prohibition of enforced disappearance, the right to communicate with family and counsel. China is bound by the Convention against Torture, and such prolonged incommunicado detention is widely recognized as a condition that facilitates abuse.

The authorities reportedly accuse her of “inciting secession,” a charge often used to target peaceful discussions about Tibet, East Turkestan, or ethnic issues more broadly. The offence carries a sentence of up to five years in prison, potentially more under vague “aggravating circumstances.” No evidence has been presented, and no transparent legal proceedings appear to be under way. Her case fits a disturbing pattern: using national security legislation to criminalize thought, speech, or association.

Her partner, Yak (nickname) – a French national of Tibetan origin – has expressed deep worry. “I don’t know what to do. I want to know whether she is safe,” he told AFP (Agence France Presse). His distress mirrors that felt by all who know her. Their appeals to the authorities have been met with silence or denial.

In recent weeks, her situation has sparked increasing international concern. Le Monde devoted an article to her disappearance and detention. Human Rights in China (HRIC) documented her writings and raised an alarm. Amnesty International launched a global campaign calling for her release. Several European countries, including France and Germany, have formally expressed their concern following her arrest. The EU delegation in Beijing has also raised her case including in its statement released on the occasion of the International Human rights Day. ICT also urged President Macron to raise her case during his visit to Beijing, which was widely reported in French-speaking media worldwide.

Her story is not an isolated case. Pierre-Antoine Donnet, writing in Asialyst, captured the broader reality with clarity: “Several recent examples confirm that the regime’s relentless hunt for any form of dissent or ideological deviance remains one of its priorities. This illustrates a paranoia that reveals its fragility, even as it seeks to project omnipotence on the international stage.”

Zhang Yadi – a young Chinese woman who refuses to see Tibetans through the lens imposed by the state – embodies exactly this fear.

Chinese authorities should immediately and unconditionally release Zhang Yadi. Her imprisonment does not strengthen China; on the contrary, it exposes the deep insecurity of a system unable to tolerate empathy, diversity, or intellectual curiosity. Her life, her dignity, and her future should not be sacrificed to political paranoia.

Among her writings preserved by HRIC is a short, moving text she shared shortly before returning to China. Today it reads like a message travelling across the silence imposed on her:

“I am a brave person.
I want to understand the world,
and I want the world to understand me.
Even if fear follows me like a shadow,
I will keep walking.
If my voice becomes small,
I hope someone will remember
that I once tried to speak.”

My experience in TYLP and as a Lodi Gyari Fellow on Capitol Hill

December 15, 2025

International Campaign for Tibet

By: Kunga Wilson

Kunga Wilson with Oregon Senator Jeff Merkley.

Two years ago, during an impactful summer in Washington, D.C., I participated in the Tibetan Youth Leadership Program. Here, my cultural identity, passion for providing aid, prior work experiences, and academic interests converged as a unified pathway toward meaningful impact. That summer, I was made aware of ICT’s Washington Internship Program for Tibetan-Americans and was encouraged to apply. After such a formative experience, I realized that my passion for supporting diaspora communities could be built on by such an opportunity. As a result, I set my sights on this internship as a chance to refine my understanding of governance through firsthand accounts of representative government, international relations, and development.

After being selected as a 2025 Lodi Gyari Fellow, I was paired with the office of Oregon Senator Jeff Merkley, a representative of my home state. Merkley, who has been in office since 2008, has been a leader and a fighter for the interests of Oregonians and the American people. I was beyond thrilled to have received this opportunity. As an intern, I was assigned to two policy teams, working concurrently with the legislative aid and legislative correspondent of those teams. As a member of the Foreign Policy and Banking, Democracy, and Economics teams, I was tasked with drafting memos on legislation and meetings, attending and documenting hearings and briefings, and writing response letters to constituents. As members of the office, interns took turns answering live phone calls from constituents in Oregon and giving tours of the capital. Hearing the concerns, words of gratitude, and personal stories of fellow Oregonians filled each day with a sense of pride and purpose in my work.

One of my favorite experiences this summer was when I shadowed the senator. Witnessing the personal details of his day was unforgettable. As we walked together through the Capitol, we engaged in casual conversation about food and family. At times he shifted to stories or lessons from his career, both of which were welcomed. That day, the senator publicly announced his reelection and broke the news to me. As we walked out of the Senate chamber towards the Capitol grounds, three red-tailed hawks flew overhead. They nest in the Dawn Redwood tree planted by Oregon Senator Mark Hatfield, a mentor of Merkley’s. As we stopped to admire them, I pointed out how they are an auspicious sign of protection, strength, and positive change. I couldn’t help but feel a sense of pride. In that moment, I knew I was in the right place.

It’s difficult to embellish my experiences in Washington this past summer. Although challenging at times, I was proud to be working for an office that stands for what I believe in every single day. Engaging with leaders, policymakers, and advocates, I witnessed firsthand the power of representative government and its critical role in championing the rights of all people. This program was nothing short of transformative, and it instilled in me a profound sense of responsibility and agency. I am grateful for ICT and Team Merkley for supporting me and giving me this opportunity. Their constant work inspires me to create a better world every day.

To learn more about the Washington Internship Program for Tibetan Americans and how to apply please visit savetibet.org »

Celebrating the Dalai Lama’s 90th birthday focusing on his impact on the people

June 11, 2025

Bhuchung K. Tsering

As the observed July 6 birthday of H.H. the Dalai Lama nears, his well-wishers throughout the world have already begun their own respective ways to organize events or launch initiatives to recall his impact on the community.

I wanted to dwell on three such initiatives today. June 6, 2025 saw the special screening of the iconic 1997 film “Kundun” at the Tribeca Film Festival in New York City, in partnership with the International Campaign for Tibet (ICT). What made the screening special was that Director Martin Scorsese was personally there to introduce the film and to put it in context. Scorsese mentioned the film’s strong spiritual impact on him and highlighted the message of oneness of humanity of the film, even in its production, saying that it is a story of a Buddhist, being made in an Islamic country (it was shot in Morocco), by a director who is “an Italian-American Roman Catholic from New York.” He mentioned how his film on “Supreme Holiness” as he reverently referred to the Dalai Lama was an effort “to embody His Holiness’ spiritual evolution”.

Scorsese’s remarks showed that his interest in Tibet was not just limited to the period of the production of Kundun (“I was always intrigued by Tibetan Buddhism”) and continues to be interested even after nearly three decades since its release. He mentioned being impressed by Tibetan cinema, by film makers like Pema Tseden (he mentioned ‘Old Dog’), Dzongsar Khyentse Rinpoche and Neten Chokling and wondered why “American distributors and streamers” were not considering a “Tibetan Film Festival” to showcase these talents. He seemed to indicate his interest in such a project saying, “So, let us get it going.” The presence of several cast members at the screening provided a humane touch to the audience in their appreciation of the film.

Jane Rosenthal of Tribeca Festival said the film showed “quiet strength to hold on to an identity in the face of erasure.” She said, “Kundun shows us that empathy begins with understanding and that there is no peace without compassion.” The screening was part of the Compassion Rising global campaign initiated by ICT on the 90th birthday year of H.H. the Dalai Lama.

The educational materials on Tibet and the Dalai Lama, including a specially-updated edition of his “A Human Approach to World Peace” (Wisdom Publications), that ICT distributed to the attendees of the screening provided context to the basis of his impact. That the message of the Dalai Lama continues to resonate with the American public could be gauged from fact that an overwhelming majority of the ticketed audience members for the screening were non-Tibetans. I am saying this because for a Tibetan to be attending the screening would just be a part of the natural expectation from a devotee.

Audience members waiting to enter the theatre for Kundun screening in New York.

Dalai Lama’s impact on the younger generation

The second initiative was an event in Johns Hopkins University’s School of Advanced International Studies campus in Washington, D.C. on June 1, 2025. Organized by the Weekend Tibetan School of the Capital Area Tibetan Association in partnership with JHU, it was a focus on the Dalai Lama’s message of Love and Compassion. The half day event consisted of combination of presentations by young Tibetan American students on how the message of compassion was understood by them and how these impacted their individual lives. I was particularly impressed by the debate session on Love and Compassion among six students. Maybe it is due to my own lack of understanding of today’s youngsters, but I was very encouraged by the quality of responses (and the confidence with which they did so) by the students to the questions by the judges during the debate section. It does seem that the programs on Social Ethical and Emotional (SEE) Learning that they attended as part of their weekend school benefited their knowledge. Some of them mentioned how the knowledge enabled them to cope with the death of their pets or in dealing with an unpleasant fellow student. Even though some of the questions posed to them focused on the Tibetan community, interestingly the students’ responses were more about HH’s impact on the broader human community.

The six students who participated in the debate in Washington, DC on what compassion means to them.

The adults who spoke at the event, both Tibetans and non-Tibetans, also put their own perspective on how HH’s message of compassion impacted them. A nine-stanza ode in Tibetan specially composed for the event by the Gyalwang Karmapa highlighting the Dalai Lama’s contribution was read.

Karmapa ode to the Dalai Lama displayed on the monitor at the venue.

Then there was a discussion on compassion by Tibetan Buddhist lamas and practitioner. This was followed by a medley of cultural dances performed with great gusto by the students, from young to comparatively older ones. It was a clear summation of the impact of the Dalai Lama’s message of compassion on the younger generation.

How the Dalai Lama shared his thoughts to the wider world

The third initiative was in the form of a book, Our Wish-fulling Gem Part 2: A Biography of His Holiness the Dalai Lama” (Library of Tibetan Works & Archives, Dharamsala, 2025), by educationist Chophel compiling the details on visits by His Holiness the Dalai Lama throughout the world outside of India from 2011 till 2018. Additionally, this second volume also has details on His Holiness’ visits within India from 2011 onwards. As in the first volume, in this book, too, the author provides an overview of His Holiness’ meetings and remarks at events big and small in different countries which are “a testament to the enduring influence of one of the world’s most revered spiritual figures.” His first volume, titled “Our Wish-Fulling Gem: A Biography of His Holiness the Dalai Lama” was published in 2022 and covered the first 75 years of His Holiness’ life. The author and I know each other, and I had the opportunity to read a drafts of both books.

In the preface, the author explains His Holiness’ impact saying, “He taught the world how to laugh in the midst of chaos. He revealed that the purpose of our life is to be happy. He has taught the world the art of happiness and left a lasting imprint on the world.”

His Holiness’ message on the importance of compassion permeates through the book. The author talks about the Southern Methodist University in Dallas in Texas bestowing an honorary doctorate from the university for ‘his lifelong leadership in promoting peace, compassion and inter-religious understanding.’ In fact, there are 178 mentions of the term “compassion” in it.

Although His Holiness has relinquished his political role (see more in the next paragraph), his relevance to the world and more so to the Tibetan people continues. This book is not, and does not claim to be, a scholarly appraisal of His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s travels. Rather, it is a wholesome compilation of all his visits from 2011 to 2018 that provides the readers with an understanding of the Dalai Lama’s impact on the several thousands of people throughout the world who attended his talks or who had the opportunity to interact with him.

An interesting impact of the Dalai Lama is an outcome of something from which he intentionally withdrew himself, namely his political authority that he devolved to an elected Tibetan leadership in 2011, as mentioned above. Following his announcement in March that year, I participated in a Congressional Executive Commission on China Roundtable on “The Dalai Lama: What He Means For Tibetans Today” on July 13, 2011 in Washington, DC. In my presentation, I explained one of the implications of this devolvement of political authority saying, “It bursts the myth about the return of the “Old Society”: One of the scare tactics that the Chinese authorities continue to use among Tibetans in Tibet to maintain control is to project the period during independent Tibet (referred to as the “old society” as opposed to life under China, which is the “new society”) as horrendous, and to say that the Dalai Lama’s aim is to restore the “old society.” The Dalai Lama’s decision including the removal of the name of the government of Ganden Phodrang (that ruled Tibet) from the present Administration in exile takes away the opportunity for the Chinese to continue resorting to this myth.”

In any case, in this 90th birthday year of His Holiness the Dalai Lama (being observed by the Central Tibetan Administration as “Year of Compassion”) we will be seeing many more of such events in different parts of the world. Indeed, a period for rejoicing, recommitment and reflection for all of us who are well-wishers or devotees of the Dalai Lama.

The intricacies of the reincarnation system in Tibetan Buddhism and their transnational ramifications

May 12, 2025

Bhuchung K. Tsering

The first week of May 2025 saw an important spiritual process, namely the selection of the new Pope. Leo XIV, by the eligible members of the College of Cardinals. Despite the political interest many countries have in the papacy, the spiritual process was followed according to the Roman Catholic tradition, without governmental interference, particularly from the Italian Government even though he also holds the title of Bishop of Rome.

Pope Francis looking at a book by the Dalai Lama presented to him by Kundeling Tatsak Rinpoche during an All-Religion Conference held in Vatican City from November 29 to 30, 2024. (Photo: www.tibet.net)

Similarly, May is also significant in the modern history of Tibetan Buddhism, particularly in its system of reincarnation. May 14, 2025, marks the anniversary of His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s recognition in 1995 of a six-year-old Tibetan in Tibet as the 11th Panchen Lama Gedhun Choekyi Nyima. However, three days later, the Chinese authorities detained the young boy and he has not been seen in public since. Later that year, despite the absurdity of it, the atheist Chinese Communist Party thrust itself into a spiritual process and selected another Tibetan boy, Gyaltsen Norbu, as its Panchen Lama. Not only this, having occupied Tibet, the Chinese Communist authorities also display their imperialistic attitude towards reincarnation system of Tibetan Buddhism by claiming international authority.

Therefore, I want to talk about two recent developments relating to reincarnation of Tibetan Buddhist masters that provide an indication of its complexity, transnational ramification and the expanding category of stakeholders in the institution.

On April 7, 2025, the Foundation for the Preservation of Mahayana Tradition (FPMT), a post-1959 worldwide organization for the study of Tibetan Buddhism started by Lama Thupten Yeshi and Lama Thupten Zopa, gave an update to their members on the reincarnation of Lama Zopa who had died in April 2023.

Lama Zopa (left) and Lama Yeshi. (Photo: www.fpmt.org)

In fact, Lama Yeshi had passed away way back in 1984. Although, Lama Yeshe had no history of being recognized as a reincarnation, his disciples had the ardent desire to benefit from his continued reincarnation and so it was Lama Zopa who did his preliminary investigations and then supplicated to His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Among the list of names of children that had been compiled was that of a Spanish boy, son of parents who were students of FPMT. Thus, in 1986, after spiritual divination, His Holiness recognized the Spanish boy as the reincarnation of Lama Yeshi (becoming among the first of reincarnation of Tibetan masters born to non-Tibetan western families). Named Lama Osel, he has subsequently given up his monkhood and is known as Tenzin Ösel Hita and being referred to as “a 21st-century radical freethinker, humanitarian, documentary filmmaker, musician, father, friend, life-long student, and former Buddhist monk.”

Then and now: Lama Osel and Tenzin Ösel Hita (Source: www.fpmt.org)

In any case, a reincarnation system began due to the followers displaying its benefit, and the reincarnation took place in a western child.

Now with the April 7 announcement by FPMT about the reincarnation of Lama Zopa has become another first. It was primarily to convey the good news of a response from His Holiness the Dalai Lama to their supplication for determining the status of Lama’s reincarnation. His Holiness, following his divination, had told them, “The reincarnation of Zopa Rinpoche shows to exist and that too appears to show inside Nepal, gradually look for and do the investigation.”

FPMT officials: Members of the search committee are Khenrinpoche Geshe Chonyi (sitting, center), Ven. Roger Kunsang (sitting, right), Ven. Thubten Pemba (standing first row, second left), Ani Tenzin Jangsem (standing first row, third right), Ven. Tenpa Choden (standing first row, third right), and Dale Davis (standing first row, fourth right) (Source: www.fpmt.org)

Along with this, they also had equally interesting information in that announcement: “The FPMT Inc. Board of Directors has appointed a search team: Khenrinpoche Geshe Chonyi, Ven. Roger Kunsang, Ven. Thubten Pemba, Ani Tenzin Jangsem, Ven. Tenpa Choden, and Dale Davis.” You would note that out of the six members, two (Ven. Roger Kunsang and Ms. Dale Davis) are Westerners who had become disciples of Lama Zopa several decades back and there are two women (Ani Tenzin Jangsem and Ms. Davis). This would certainly be the first time where Western Dharma students as well as female disciples are being formally involved in the search for the reincarnation of a Tibetan Buddhist master. Here, too, the FPMT is only exercising its authority on spiritual matters pertaining to their teacher. I am looking forward to seeing how this process unfolds.

In the post-1959 period, Tibetan Buddhism has seen followers beyond the traditional Himalayan and Mongolian communities. This meant that the stakeholders, including on matters like the reincarnation system, has also been expanding. Fundamentally, a lama can choose to be reborn anywhere to fulfill the aspiration of the disciples and so can do so. For instance, the birth of the 14th Dalai Lama in a faraway northeastern Tibetan region of Taktser in Amdo could be perceived as an intentional choice, including in spatial terms. We can see that he successfully overcame political and other impediments in the process of recognition and upbringing.

In the past four decades, quite a few senior lamas from different Tibetan Buddhist lineages have passed away. Some of them have chosen to be reborn in the Tibetan community, whether in exile or in Tibet. Some others have chosen to be reborn in the broader Himalayan community and including in western societies.

Another dimension of the transnational ramification of the reincarnation process was seen in 2022 when the reincarnation of an important Nyingma lama, Taklung Tsetrul Rinpoche, was found in a remote Indian village of Rangrik in Spiti, Himachal Pradesh. Rinpoche had been the head of the Nyingma tradition until his passing away in 2015. The people of Spiti are predominantly followers of Tibetan Buddhism and their region borders Tibet. Indian media reported in November 2022 that four-year-old Ngawang Tashi Rapten was recognized as the reincarnation of Taklung Tsetrul Rinpoche.

The present and previous incarnation of Taklung Tsetrul Rinpoche.

Given the background of the Taklung Tsetrul lineage, the new incarnation, an Indian citizen from an ethnic community near the Tibetan border, will be the leader of a major Tibetan Buddhist tradition. His Holiness the Dalai Lama composed a prayer in December 2015 for the swift rebirth of Taklung Tsetrul Rinpoche and also received the reincarnation for an audience in December 2022 thus providing any legitimacy needed for the spiritual community to accept him.

His Holiness received the reincarnation of Taklung Tsetrul Rinpoche in December 2022.

The reincarnation is now receiving his education at the re-established Dorje Drak monastery in Shimla, Himachal Pradesh.

Even when the system is not through reincarnation, we can see developments. In the Sakya tradition, in 2014, the then head of the tradition, Sakya Gongma Rinpoche from Dolma Phodrang lineage, decided with his spiritual colleague Sakya Dagtri Rinpoche from the Phuntsok Phodrang lineage to alter the system of throne-holder succession. In the changed system, members of both the Dolma Phodrang and Phuntsok Phodrang lineages serve as Sakya Trizin for a three-year term, according to their seniority and qualifications, and with the possibility that an office-holder may take office more than once in his lifetime. Since then, the position has passed through two sons of the Sakya Gongma Rinpoche. In all likelihood, the next Sakya Trizin could be a US-born lama from the Phuntsok Phodrang lineage.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama with Sakya Gongma Rinpoche, his two successors and some possible future heads of the Sakya tradition, in Dharamsala, May 2022.

In the case of the Geluk lineage, a prominent lama from Ladakh, Rizong Rinpoche, rose up in the hierarchy of his monastic system to be appointed the 102nd Ganden Tripa, serving from 2009 to 2016. The Ganden Tripa is the senior most position in the Geluk school of Tibetan Buddhism and oversees all the monasteries of the lineage. The position is attained through a selection process based on scholarly excellence and spiritual integrity.

When spiritual tradition continues or evolves based on the determination of the spiritual community itself then we can see it emerging stronger. This is a lesson for all stakeholders of Tibetan Buddhism.

In Voice for the Voiceless, the Dalai Lama outlines his master plan for Tibet

March 31, 2025

Bhuchung K. Tsering

“On March 31, 1959, my party entered India. I have not been able to go back to my homeland since,” His Holiness the Dalai Lama writes somewhat poignantly about his dramatic escape from Tibet in his latest book, Voice for the Voiceless: Over Seven Decades of Struggle with China for My Land and My People (Harper Collins, 2025). Being published in the 66th anniversary of his escape and on his 90th birthday year. Through this book, His Holiness succinctly outlines his master plan for Tibet. Allow me to expand.

Master plans of the Dalai Lamas

First, the background. In the 1980s, during an interview with Tibetan Buddhist scholar Glenn Mullin (who later incorporated it in few of his books) the present 14th Dalai Lama shared his view about the previous Dalai Lamas having “master plans” in administrating their affairs. He surmised there was such plan that spread from the First to the Fifth Dalai Lamas, another that the Sixth Dalai Lama embraced, and one by the 13th Dalai Lama. His Holiness said the First to the Fourth Dalai Lamas expanded the sphere of their influence from southwestern Tibet to broader Tibet to make it possible for the Fifth Dalai Lama to assume overall leadership in Tibet. The Sixth Dalai Lama’s master plan was to alter the system of succession of the Dalai Lama, from reincarnation to blood lineage. Apparently, he wanted this change to do away with the power vacuum in the transition period between one incarnation and the next.

His Holiness the Dalai Lama looking at thangkas depicting the lives of the Dalai Lamas during his visit to Norbulingka Institute, India on March 9, 2017. Photo by Tenzin Choejor/OHHDL

The master plan of the 13th Dalai Lama was to make Tibet a modern state, a harmonious blend of temporal and the spiritual. He organized a monastic education system and bestowed ordinations to a large number of monks. He wanted significant administrative reforms, including social and political reforms like bringing modern education in Tibet. He was prophesied to live until his 80s (which would be in mid 1950s), but it is believed that he foresaw the dangers ahead from the imminent Chinese Communist invasion and the need for a Dalai Lama to be of age to meet the challenge. Therefore, it is believed that he chose to pass away in his fifties.

Having expanded on his predecessors thus, the present Dalai Lama told Mullin, “Perhaps I will have to come up with some fourth master plan.” Although His Holiness does not say so, my contention is that Voice for the Voiceless reflects his master plan for Tibet?

His Holiness begins by giving an overview of the historical developments of Tibet’s ties with China and India, two countries that significantly impact the Tibetan people even to this day. This includes Chinese Communist invasion of Tibet, his efforts from Lhasa, as well as during his visits to China and India in the mid-1950s, to find peaceful co-existence and subsequent escape to exile in India in 1959. These are laid out in more detail in his two memoirs, My Land & My People and Freedom in Exile.

Then, His Holiness outlined the challenge, recalling his public statement in 1960, saying, “On that first anniversary [of the Tibetan National Uprising of March 10, 1959], I stressed the need on our part to adopt a long-term view of the situation of Tibet. I said that for those of us in exile in a free country, our priority must be ensuring the survival of our civilization, especially through the protection of our distinct language and cultural traditions. I assured my people that truth, justice, and courage would be our weapons and that we would eventually prevail in our struggle for freedom.” He even went so far as to say, “Ours is an existential crisis: the very survival of an ancient people, their culture, language and religion is at stake.”

Having outlined the challenge, His Holiness’ plan for addressing the issue of restoration of Tibetan independence was two-pronged: “to remind the world of what happened and what was still happening in Tibet and to care for the Tibetans who escaped with me to freedom.” The book details his outreach to the international community, particularly the United Nations. There is a whole chapter on outreach to Tibet supporters with a Buddhism-inspired headline, “Reaching Out to Our Fourth Refuge”.

Beginning in the seventies, His Holiness turned his attention to direct dialogue with the Chinese Government to address this challenge. In this, as outlined in the chapter “Overtures Toward a Dialogue” His Holiness felt we needed to consider not only the Tibetan aspirations but also “to take into account seriously the perspective of the Chinese side.” Thus, “The seed was sown for what later came to be known as the Middle Way Approach—seeking not independence but genuine autonomy within the framework of the People’s Republic of China.”

His Holiness outlines the initiatives from the late 1970s, including his Five Point Peace Plan in 1987, the Strasbourg Proposal in 1988, “up until 2019, I did maintain informal and at the time confidential contacts with Beijing leadership through individual Chinese.” I myself was privileged to be part of this process, including being a member of the team that engaged with the Chinese authorities from 2002 to 2010.

H.H. the Dalai Lama outlining his proposal for future Tibet at the European Parliament in Strasbourg in June 1988

Next Dalai Lama will be born in the free world

As is the nature of the Tibetan system, His Holiness’ master plan also crossover into the spiritual realm.

One section of the book that has garnered international attention is the reference to the next Dalai Lama. The relevant sentence is this, “Now, since the purpose of a reincarnation is to carry on the work of the predecessor, the new Dalai Lama will be born in the free world…”

Media coverage in Mongolian, Chinese, Italian, English and Arabic on HH the Dalai Lama’s reincarnation reference in his new book

He prefaces this by referencing his 2011 statement on reincarnation conditioning the coming of the next Dalai Lama to whether the Tibetan Buddhists see benefit. If so, he had said it will be his Gaden Phodrang Trust (the Office of the Dalai Lama) that will have the sole authority on search and recognition. The spiritual element is further emphasized by his reiteration that the process should include “consulting the oath-bound Dharma protectors historically connected with the lineage of the Dalai Lamas, as was followed carefully in my own case” and also “that I will also leave clear written instructions on this.”

In the Tibetan Buddhist system, Palden Lhamo is one such Dharma protectors who is believed to have pledged to particularly stand beside the Dalai Lamas. Invocation of Palden Lhamo is a familiar ritual in the Tibetan community in exile and she is believed to be able to provide visions, including in the search of the Dalai Lamas. The present Dalai Lama considers Palden Lhamo as someone close to him. During a Long-life Offering to him in Dharamsala on June 11, 2024, the Dalai Lama told the gathering, “I have dreamt of Palden Lhamo sitting on my shoulders and telling me that I would live to be a hundred years old or more.”

One update this book has on the reincarnation, since his 2011 statement, is that His Holiness has “received numerous petitions and letters from a wide spectrum of Tibetan people—senior lamas from the various Tibetan traditions, abbots of monasteries, diaspora Tibetan communities across the world, and many prominent and ordinary Tibetans inside Tibet—as well as Tibetan Buddhist communities from the Himalayan region and Mongolia, uniformly asking me to ensure that the Dalai Lama lineage be continued.” Thus, in accordance with his 2011 statement, His Holiness is expected to issue some statement this year on the future course of action.

Irrespective of any development this year, His Holiness draws this conclusion on the connection between the institution of the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan issue: “Some might think, given my age and Communist China’s position as a global power today, that time is not on our side. I disagree. Yes, the Dalai Lama institution plays today an important role in unifying Tibetans everywhere, but let us not forget that while the Dalai Lama institution is only five hundred years old, Tibet’s history is older by more than a millennium and a half. So, I have no doubt that our struggle for freedom will go on, for it pertains to the fate of an ancient nation and its people. As an inherently unstable system, totalitarianism definitely does not have time on its side. Time is on the side of the people, Tibetans as well as Chinese, who aspire for freedom.”

Survival of Tibetan identity and Broken promises from the Chinese side

So, how does His Holiness view the effectiveness of his master plan? In recent years, in his public remarks, he has repeatedly talked about his contribution. Most recently, during an offering of Long-life Prayers in Dharamsala on March 6, 2025, His Holiness summed up his contribution saying, “As you have seen, I have been able to benefit the people of the world to a good extent. In addition, I feel I’ve been able to help Tibetans both inside Tibet and in exile with advice and instructions I have given sincerely.”

The book details the reestablishment of the “historically important cultural and religious institutions of Tibet”, and the establishment of Tibetan refugee resettlement camps as well as many new institutions that complimented the changed situation of Tibetans. All in all, Tibetan identity, religion and culture survives in exile. In comparison, in Tibet, His Holiness says, “the repressive policies on the ground targeting Tibetan identity, culture, and traditions, as well as the large-scale demographic change taking place on the Tibetan plateau caused me great alarm, compelling me to say that what was happening inside Tibet was either willingly or unwillingly, a form of cultural genocide.”

The book clearly shows His Holiness’ disappointment with Chinese leadership at different stages to his overtures for a mutually beneficial negotiated settlement of the Tibetan issue.

In the aftermath of his visit to Chinese capital Beijing in 1954-55 and meetings with Mao Zedong when commitments were made to preserve Tibetan autonomy under a new political system, the book says, “The promises and assurances received in Beijing turned out to be empty.” Similarly, during his visit to India in 1956 he had received commitments from then Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai who was also in India, but “Chinese pledges; Zhou was simply lying.” His Holiness includes a Tibetan quote with which he seems to be agreeing, “There is an old Tibetan saying that captures the essence of the relationship between the Tibetans and the Chinese: “Tibetans are let down by their hopes; the Chinese are let down by their suspicions.”

The Dalai Lama (first right) with Mao Zedong, the Panchen Lama and Zhou Enlai at the Tibetan new year reception he hosted in Beijing in 1955

It is also interesting to see His Holiness take a philosophical perspective on the Tibetan issue. He says, “Tibet and its people were the victims of tragic circumstances of history.” This is because the major powers that had historic connections with Tibet were all preoccupied during the crucial period. Similarly, in his advice to the Tibetan people (in the last section of the book), His Holiness says, “Today’s dark period of Communist Chinese occupation may seem endless, but in our long history, it is but a brief nightmare. As our Buddhist faith teaches us, nothing is immune to the law of impermanence.”

He concludes, “At the time of publishing this book, I will be approaching my ninetieth year. If no resolution is found while I am alive, the Tibetan people, especially those inside Tibet, will blame the Chinese leadership and the Communist Party for its failure to reach a settlement with me.”

Given that this book is about what the Dalai Lama has done for Tibet, much of what is in it is a matter of public record. However, it expands on the thought process on some of the decisions taken, whether it is about not accepting the Chinese invitation in the wake of the death of the 10th Panchen Lama or when the 13th Dalai Lama left an extraordinary and prophetic warning of Communist incursion from the east, way back in 1932. “Tragically, the regency and the Tibetan leadership, following the Thirteenth Dalai Lama’s death, failed to grasp the urgency and seriousness of his warning. Pretty much every aspect has proven to be precisely correct.” Is there a similar message here by him to the present Tibetan leadership and community?

In one sense, this book could be seen as the last of its kind from His Holiness the Dalai Lama given that he had devolved his political authority in 2011 and his age. We are unlikely to see any such writing of this scale in the future by him. China has shown through its policies that its plan is to annihilate the Tibetan identity through Sinicization. The present Dalai Lama’s master plan is to continue the work of the 13th Dalai Lama and to build on it. His objective was to enable Tibetan identity to survive eventually in Tibet, while preserving it in exile. By becoming the voice for the voiceless Tibetans under Chinese communist rule, this book shows how the Dalai Lama has been able to achieve that.

Be that as it may, I believe the final chapter of the present Dalai Lama’s life is yet to be written.

Wang Junzheng prepares party officials for 60th anniversary of Tibet’s dismemberment

February 20, 2025

Kai Mueller

A Communist Party Secretary awards police officers with Tibetan Khatas.

An important anniversary for the rule of the Chinese Communist Party in Tibet is looming. September 1st marks the 60th anniversary of the dismemberment of Tibet under the Chinese occupying forces. This was recently pointed out by Communist Party Secretary Wang Junzheng, the highest-ranking Chinese official in Tibet’s capital, according to Chinese propaganda media reports.

At a meeting of the regional party committee, Wang gave instructions for “political and legal work”. On this occasion, Beijing’s man in Lhasa repeatedly referred to the upcoming 60th anniversary of the founding of the so-called Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) on September 1, 1965.

This marked the completion of the administrative reorganization of the country by the Chinese rulers. However, the TAR only covered about half the country. The other half of Tibet – and thus also its inhabitants – were largely assigned to the Chinese provinces of Qinghai, Gansu, Sichuan and Yunnan as so-called “Tibetan Autonomous” counties and prefectures.

Wang Junzheng called on the assembled Communist Party officials to welcome and support the 60th anniversary of the TAR. As always on such occasions, the Communist Party Secretary did not fail to point out “the important instructions of General Secretary Xi Jinping” at the beginning of his speech. This obviously compulsory exercise is one that no Communist Party representative can miss.

It is also not surprising how often Wang used the term “constitutional state”. After all, it has always been good form in a communist dictatorship to describe one’s own unjust state with false claims that sound high-minded.

United Labor Front: Instrument of Power of the Communist Party

Recently, Wang Junzheng attended a meeting of the regional united front work department of the Communist Party. This department is responsible for the Communist Party’s influence operations at home and abroad. Particularly important in the context of Tibet: The united front is responsible, among other things, for the Chinese Communist Party’s religious policy.

At this meeting, Wang Junzheng began his speech by reiterating his praise for the “important ideas of General Secretary Xi Jinping,” which should be thoroughly studied and implemented. Wang urged his audience to work towards the establishment of a “new, socialist and modernized Tibet.”

Under the watchful eye of Communist Party leader Xi Jinping, Communist Party Secretary Wang Junzheng speaks to representatives of the Communist Party’s United Front Department. (Source: tibet.cn)

An important instrument used by the Chinese rulers to achieve this is the forced assimilation of Tibetans with the aim of eradicating their independent culture, tradition and language. The ideological phraseology of the Communist Party then speaks of “building the Chinese national community as the main line”.

The aim is also to promote “the spread of the common national language and writing system” – this means that as far as possible all communication takes place in Chinese and in Chinese script.

Wang’s list also includes a reference to the desired “Sinicization” of Tibetan Buddhism. It is important to actively guide Tibetan Buddhism to “be compatible with socialist society,” said the Communist Party secretary.

Tibetan blessing scarves from the hand of the Communist Party secretary

A surprising image was included in another report by the Chinese propaganda media. During a visit by Communist Party Secretary Wang Junzheng to a police station in Tibet’s capital Lhasa, where he honored police officers and cleaners. Instead of handing out medals or gifts, as is customary in China, the Chinese Communist Party Secretary puts traditional Tibetan scarves known as khatas around the men’s necks.

The Tibetan scarves symbolizing auspiciousness, lucky and blessing are deeply rooted in Tibet’s spiritual tradition. In the picture we see the highest representative of the Chinese occupying power handing out khatas to police officers – representatives of an institution that has a monopoly on violence in Tibet and thus ensures the forced assimilation of Tibetans.

While the Chinese Communist Party state is openly trying to transform the Tibetans into Chinese, to erase or appropriate their culture by taking an important symbol of their tradition to identify those who, when necessary, will enforce it by force.

This incident is permeated with deep irony and illustrates another facet of China’s new cultural revolution in Tibet.

How the ICT Tibetan Youth Leadership Program Impacted Me

February 12, 2025

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By: Tenzin Yiga

I was born in Dharamsala, India, a place that serves as the heart of the Tibetan exile community. Growing up in a home where every conversation was laced with stories of our resistance, resilience, and hope, I understood from an early age what it meant to be Tibetan in exile. When I moved to New York City, that understanding took on a new dimension. The 23-hour journey from India to the U.S. marked not just a geographic shift but a transition in my identity. In America, I had to learn how to balance the weight of my Tibetan heritage with the reality of growing up in a country that often didn’t recognize our struggle. But in doing so, I also found strength in the community, and that community only deepened through programs like the Tibetan Youth Leadership Program (TYLP).

This past summer, I had the privilege of attending TYLP, an experience that was nothing short of transformative. It wasn’t just about policy discussions and meetings – it was about stepping into spaces of power as a Tibetan-American and realizing that our voices belong there. Meeting with representatives from the State Department, the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), U.S. AID, and Congressional offices gave me an in-depth look at how advocacy translates into action. It highlighted how vital it is for Tibetans to step up and work with these institutions, not just to tell our stories but to shape the policies that impact us.

One of the most eye-opening takeaways from TYLP was seeing firsthand how the issue of Tibet fits into the broader conversation about human rights and democracy. Many of us in the Tibetan community have always been aware of the Chinese Communist Party’s oppressive policies in Tibet, but TYLP exposed the larger, more insidious mechanisms of transnational repression. Learning from experts and policymakers about the ways in which China extends its authoritarian reach into diaspora communities was a stark reminder that our fight is not just about Tibet – it is also about protecting the freedoms we have here in the U.S. It became clear that advocating for Tibet is not just about preserving our culture and identity; it is about defending democratic values that impact all of us.

Beyond the political insights, TYLP fostered something even more invaluable – lifelong friendships, connections, and a deepened sense of community. In a room full of young Tibetans from across the country, I found people who shared my experiences, my struggles, and my dreams. There was an unspoken understanding among us: the push and pull of being Tibetan-American, the responsibility we feel toward our elders and our history, and the urgency of ensuring our story continues. We were all there for different reasons – some wanting to work in policy, others in law, media, or grassroots organizing – but we were bound by a common purpose.

The friendships formed at TYLP are more than just professional networks; they are a support system. Whether it was late-night conversations about our hopes for Tibet, or the sheer joy of advocating for our identity together in Washington, D.C., I left with a newfound confidence that we are not alone in this fight. We are part of a generation of Tibetans who are determined to make an impact, we are unified, we are powerful.

Being Tibetan-American often feels like walking a tightrope between two worlds. The American dream tells us that if we work hard enough, we can achieve anything. But for many of us, that dream is not just about individual success – it is about lifting up our community, preserving our culture, and ensuring that the sacrifices of our parents and grandparents were not in vain. TYLP reinforced that the American dream is not just about assimilation; it is about representation. It is about making sure that Tibetans have a seat at the table in every space, whether that be in politics, academia, media, or grassroots activism.

To any young Tibetan wondering if they should apply to TYLP: do it. The experience will challenge you, inspire you, and most importantly, connect you to a community that will be with you for life. It will give you the tools to turn your passion into action and the confidence to know that you belong in every room where decisions are being made. We are the next generation of Tibetan leaders, and programs like TYLP ensure that we are ready to take on that responsibility.

For me, TYLP was not just a program – it was a reminder of why I do this work. Until Tibetans can live freely in their homeland, we must continue to fight for our voices to be heard. And we must do it together.

To learn more about the Tibetan Youth Leadership Program and how to apply please visit savetibet.org »

The Special Coordinator for Tibet matters for Tibetans and China

February 3, 2025

Bhuchung K. Tsering

The first three special coordinators for Tibet issues, Greg Craig, Julia Taft and Paula Dobriansky with His Holiness the Dalai Lama and his Special Envoy Lodi Gyari, on May, 21, 2001. (Photo: ICT Sonam Zoksang)

Every four years, the United States experiences an upheaval of sort, depending on the outcome of the presidential elections. Like earthquakes, sometimes changes are minor while sometimes they are major ones, including with subsequent tremors. This year we are going through another such upheaval with President Donald Trump having won and bringing in a new set of officials.

As I write this, we are seeing the nominations and confirmations of cabinet level officials. Then Senator, and now Secretary of State, Marco Rubio was the first one to assume office in this new Trump Administration. Given his general interest in and supportive initiatives on Tibet during his stint in the Senate, the expectation is that Secretary Rubio will be inclined to proactively look for opportunities to resolve the Tibetan issue. Among the first concrete actions Secretary Rubio may take that might provide a clue on how he intends to handle Tibet will be the designation of a US Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues.

History of the Special Coordinator position

Since the formalization of this position in the Tibetan Policy Act of 2002, it has been held by an official at the Under Secretary level, specifically by the individual holding responsibility as Under Secretary of Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights. The one exception is during the first Trump Administration (from January 2016 to January 2021) when a Special Coordinator was not appointed until October 2020, just three months before the term ended.

The reasoning given by then Secretary Rex Tillerson was that Congress did not confirm the two nominees for Under Secretary of Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights: Marshall Billingsea (nominated on January 16, 2019, but returned on January 3, 2020) and Eric Ueland (nominated on June 29, 2020, but withdrawn on December 30, 2020). In the absence of an Under Secretary of Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights, the Trump Administration then eventually opted to designate then Assistant Secretary Robert A. Destro of the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor on October 14, 2020 to be the Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues.

The very next day, Gary Bauer, who was appointed by then President Trump to the US Commission on International Religious Freedom, welcomed on its behalf Destro’s appointment as the US point person on Tibet, saying, “The U.S. Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues is a crucial position for countering the Chinese Communist Party’s attempt to erase the unique identity of Tibetan Buddhism. USCIRF welcomes the strong choice of Assistant Secretary Robert A. Destro to fulfill this role, and we look forward to working with him.”

My organization, the International Campaign for Tibet, while welcoming Destro’s appointment on October 14, 2020, also said it had “advocated for the appointment of a US Special Coordinator as the position is a statutory requirement which concretely demonstrates America’s support for Tibet and the Tibetan people. The Administration should not create a precedent to appoint the Special Coordinator at this lower level in the future.”

In any case, Destro was able to serve in that capacity for only around three months as following the November 2020 elections, Joe Biden became the President in January 2021. However, Destro took the opportunity during this period to stress at a public event in December 2020 on “Religious Freedom in Tibet: The Appointment of Buddhist Leaders and the Succession of the Dalai Lama” that “The United States is committed to helping Tibetans safeguard their way of life – not just in Tibet but also in India, Nepal, Bhutan and everywhere that it flourishes.”

In December 2021, Biden Administration Secretary of State Antony Blinken designated new Under Secretary of Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights Uzra Zeya as the Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues.

In our welcome statement, ICT said, “As mandated by the Tibetan Policy and Support Act of last year, we urge Special Coordinator Zeya to proactively take the lead in gathering support from like-minded countries to formulate a common approach on the Tibetan issue.”

Special Coordinator Destro reached out to ICT Chairman Richard Gere on January 19, 2021, on the last day of his tenure and announced through a social media posting subsequently saying, “Spoke with Chairman of @SaveTibetOrg Richard Gere today to underscore the U.S. Government’s serious commitment to support Tibetan human rights.”

Spoke with Chairman of @SaveTibetOrg Richard Gere today to underscore the U.S. Government’s serious commitment to support Tibetan human rights. The depth of the CCP’s interference in Tibetan Buddhism and culture is frightening. We support meaningful autonomy for Tibetans.

— Assistant Secretary for DRL (@DRL_AS) January 20, 2021

In the coming months we will see other senior officials in the Rubio State Department, including at the Under Secretary level, being nominated and confirmed. As and when that happens, we can expect Secretary Rubio to name his Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues.

Tibet in the White House?

While we know where Secretary Rubio stands on the issue of Tibet, what about President Trump? During his first term, there was no meeting with His Holiness the Dalai Lama.

The only direct Tibet interaction at the presidential level was during an event in the White House on July 17, 2019, when there was a brief exchange between Trump and Nyima Lhamo, a Tibetan and niece of then imprisoned Tibetan Buddhist master Tenzin Delek Rinpoche. Nyima Lhamo la was among a group of survivors of religious persecution invited by the Trump Administration to participate in the second Ministerial to Advance Religious Freedom.

I have filled out the transcript provided by then White House as follows:

THE PRESIDENT: Paula White? Could you say a few words, Paula, please?
MS. WHITE: Yes, sir.
MS. LHAMO: Sorry, it’s just — I’m from Tibet. It’s my dream to visit — this opportunity to visit the President of America. Tibetan need inside Tibetan need American support, please. Support His Holiness the Dalai Lama to come back to Tibet.
THE PRESIDENT: Support, yeah.
MS. LHAMO: Yeah. His Holiness Dalai Lama to come back in Tibet. My English is not good, but —
THE PRESIDENT: No, it’s fine.
MS. LHAMO: Thank you so much for this opportunity to gather and share the story. Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much.
MS. LHAMO: Thank you so much.
THE PRESIDENT: Please say hello. Please say hello. Okay?
MS. LHAMO: Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much. I appreciate it. And your English is actually very good.
MS. LHAMO: Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you.

When this exchange was going on in the White House, I was in the adjacent room as I was accompanying Nyima Lhamo la.

In his introductory remarks, Trump told the group, “Each of us has the right to follow the dictates of our conscience and the demands of our religious conviction. We know that if people are not free to practice their faith, then all of the freedoms are at risk and, frankly, freedoms don’t mean very much. That’s why Americans will never tire in our effort to defend and promote religious freedom.”

The importance of the Special Coordinator

Why is the office of the Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues important? The United States has historically shown a bipartisan approach towards the Tibetan issue. Successive administrations have maintained (as referenced in the annual Tibet Negotiations Report) that “Failure to address these problems will lead to greater tensions inside China and will be an impediment to China’s social and economic development, as well as continue to be a stumbling block to fuller political and economic engagement with the United States.”

Fundamentally, as contained in the Tibetan Policy Act, “The central objective of the Special Coordinator is to promote substantive dialogue between the Government of the People’s Republic of China and the Dalai Lama or his representatives.” The position has the following responsibilities:

coordinate United States Government policies, programs, and projects concerning Tibet;
vigorously promote the policy of seeking to protect the distinct religious, cultural, linguistic, and national identity of Tibet, and pressing for improved respect for human rights;
maintain close contact with religious, cultural, and political leaders of the Tibetan people, including regular travel to Tibetan areas of the People’s Republic of China, and to Tibetan refugee settlements in India and Nepal;
consult with Congress on policies relevant to Tibet and the future and welfare of the Tibetan people;
make efforts to establish contacts in the foreign ministries of other countries to pursue a negotiated solution for Tibet; and
take all appropriate steps to ensure adequate resources, staff, and bureaucratic support to fulfill the duties and responsibilities of the Special Coordinator

There have been subsequent additions through additional Tibet legislation.

To date, there have been seven US Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues who have been the most visible indication of American support to Tibet. The first was Greg Craig (from October 31, 1997 to September 16, 1998) appointed by Secretary of State Madeleine Albright under Bill Clinton Administration). The second was Julia V. Taft (from January 20, 1999 to January 19, 2001) also appointed by Secretary Albright. The third was Paula Dobriansky (two terms from May 17, 2001 to January 20, 2009) appointed by Secretary of State Colin L. Powell under the George W. Bush Administration. The fourth was Maria Otero (from October 1, 2009 – February 4, 2013) by Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton under the Barack Obama Administration. The fifth was Sarah Sewall (from February 21, 2014 until January 20, 2017) appointed by Secretary of State John Kerry under the second Obama Administration. The sixth was Robert Destro (from October 14, 2020 to January 19, 2021) appointed by Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo under the first Donald Trump Administration. The seventh was Uzra Zeya (from Dec 20, 2021 to January 10, 2025) appointed by Secretary of State Antony Blinken under the Joe Biden Administration.

The subsequent special coordinators for Tibetan issues Maria Otero, Sarah Sewall, Robert Destro, and Uzra Zeya.

All of them served as coordinator of the programmatic and policy initiatives of different departments on the issue of Tibet and the Tibetan people. Their activities, including their visits to meet with His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan leadership and communities, have sent a strong message to the Tibetans, particularly those living under China’s restrictive rule in Tibet, about the American people’s strong support to them.

In his book The Dalai Lama’s Special Envoy: Memoirs of a Lifetime in Pursuit of a Reunited Tibet, Kasur Lodi Gyari, who had served as His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s point person in Washington, D.C. for over 15 years, highlights the importance of this American symbol for Tibet, “Each Special Coordinator has been very helpful to our cause, and Beijing pays very close attention to the office’s activities. If the position remains unfilled or is given to a low- ranking official, Beijing will most certainly interpret it as a downgrading of the Tibet issue in the administration’s eyes, even if that is not the State Department’s intent. It is thus essential for those continuing to work on Tibet’s behalf, as I did when I was Special Envoy, to build a strong case to keep the position at as high a rank and as political as possible each time a new appointment is under consideration.”